HIS attitude to Home Rule turned Mr. Chamberlain’s thoughts in the direction in which Disraeli’s thoughts had moved. Thus, on his return from Canada and America in 1888, he declared :
"I am willing to submit to the charge of being a sentimentalist when I say that I will never willingly admit of any policy that will tend to weaken the ties between the different branches of the Anglo-Saxon race which form the British Empire and the vast dominion of the Queen."
In 1895 he became Secretary of State for the Colonies in Lord Salisbury’s Government. A year later he quoted in a public speech Tennyson’s lines :
Britain’s myriad voices call,
Sons, be welded each and all
Into one Imperial whole,
One with Britain, heart and soul !
One life, one flag, one fleet, one Throne !
On June 9, 1896, he spoke at the Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire in favour of--
"a British Zollverein or Customs Union which would establish at once practically free trade throughout the British Empire, but would leave the separate contracting parties free to make their own arrangements with regard to duties on foreign goods, except that this is an essential condition on of the proposal—that Great Britain shall consent to place moderate duties upon certain articles which are of large production in the colonies. . . . These articles would comprise corn, meat, wool, and sugar, and perhaps other articles of enormous consumption in this country, which are at present largely produced in the colonies, and which might, under such an arrangement, be wholly produced in the colonies and wholly produced by British labour. On the other hand, as I have said, the colonies, while maintaining their duties on foreign importations, would agree to a free interchange of commodities with the rest of the Empire and would cease to plan protective duties on any products of British labour. That is the principle of the German Zollverein, that is the principle which underlies the federation of the United States of America ; and I do not doubt for a moment that if it were adopted it would be the strongest bond of union between the British race throughout the world."
There was no suggestion in this of protecting the British home market. But it was evident that this was likely to follow if trade declined. Such evidence as is available does not suggest that Mr. Chamberlain had any idea, when he made his suggestion, that he was about to draw his villain, or that, when the villain was drawn, he recognized him. But about the drawing itself there is no doubt. The Money power, as has been said, had for long been aware that the free British market and the comparatively free markets of the British Empire were essential to the maintenance of the free market for gold which is the foundation of its power.
The idea of a British Zollverein therefore had a bad reception, and Mr. Chamberlain saw the banner of Free Trade raised aggressively by the devoted hands of Financial Liberalism. "What !" they cried. "Tax the people’s food ?" He had not meant to attack Free Trade, certainly not to attack the "Dutch system" (no man probably had a higher opinion than he of the excellence of British finance), and the stir he had caused surprised him. The war with the Boers in South Africa intervened. It revealed the extreme degree of animosity against England and Mr. Chamberlain which was cherished in many European countries, notably in Germany, France, and Holland. The incident of the Kaiser’s telegram to President Kruger and Queen Victoria’s rebuke to her nephew further exasperated feelings. But Mr. Chamberlain had no cause to complain of the people whom he served, of their patriotism, of their patience, of their capacity for sacrifice. Nor did he fail to render justice to the great lady, the Queen of England, to whose example and devotion the spirit of service bore such eloquent testimony. Queen Victoria, in her long reign, had raised the Throne of England from a position of weakness to a pinnacle of influence and strength. She had reasserted Kingship, in its Divine as well as in its political aspect, before the world and in the sight of all her subjects. She had insisted upon the ancient law of service, and so far as she was a free agent had bestowed honour only upon those who obeyed that law. Republicanism was dead ; men believed once more in Monarchy as the essential foundation of the nation and of the Empire.
In the public schools the sons of the new-rich had been taught the law of service and made to understand that what a man is and does is of more importance than what he has. This teaching began to make itself manifest in the factories and workshops. Thus the feudal spirit of responsibility to God was revived and became again the common heritage of noble and master and man.
When it is recalled that Queen Victoria’s reign began soon after the Money power and its "Dutch system" had been established in her capital city, so that London was the metropolis of international finance, the magnitude of her achievement is made plain. All were for cheapness, for quick returns, for gain ; she upheld the ideals of the England that was supposed to be passing away, sorrowing in the afflictions of the poor, labouring ceaselessly to rescue them from the calamity which had come upon them, and looking forward always to the day of deliverance. The Great Nation was her care, and with a fine courage she upheld its honour in face of the world, rebuking those of her ministers who faltered and sustaining those of whose patriotism she felt sure. Nationalism, with her, was the will of God; not a violent or truculent spirit, but love of fatherland deepened and quickened by every sacrifice and resolute to face every emergency. Peace at any price had no more place in her heart than vainglorious war. She was a woman whose mind was set upon that God Who, as she believed, had called her to reign over His people and would certainly hold her responsible for her actions. It was by the Grace of God that she reigned, and that, at the last, was the deep conviction of all her subjects.