The Emperor had but little Confidence in the Issue of 1815.—Themistocles.—In the crisis of 1814, Napoleon himself momentarily entertained a thought of restoring the Bourbons.—Baron Fain’s Manuscript of 1814.—The Abdication of Fontainebleau, &c.

12th.—The Emperor adverting to his return from the Island of Elba, and his second fall at Waterloo, made some remarkable observations on both these subjects.  “It is very certain,” said he, “that during the events of 1815, I relinquished the anticipation of ultimate success :  I lost my first confidence.  Perhaps I found, that I was wearing beyond the time of life at which fortune usually proves favourable ;  or, perhaps, in my own eyes, in my own imagination, the spell that had hung over my miraculous career was broken ;— but, at all events, I felt that something was wanting.  Kind fortune no longer followed my footsteps, and took pleasure in lavishing her smiles upon me ;  she was now succeeded by rigid fate, who took ample revenge for the few favours which I obtained, as it were, by force.  It is a remarkable fact, that every advantage I obtained at this period, was immediately succeeded by a reverse.

“ I marched through France, and arrived in the capital amidst the enthusiasm and universal acclamations of the people ;  but no sooner had I reached Paris, than by a sort of magic, and without any adequate motive, all around me retracted and grew cold.

“ I had adduced plausible reasons for obtaining a sincere reconciliation with Austria, whither I had despatched agents, more or less acknowledged.^[1]  But Murat was there with his fatal enterprise.  It was concluded at Vienna, that he was acting under my orders ;  and, measuring me by their own scale, they regarded my whole conduct as a complication of artifice, and determined to overreach me by counter intrigue.

“ The opening of my campaign was well managed and proved most successful.  I should have surprised the enemy in detail ;  but that a deserter from among our generals gave him timely notice of my plans.

“ I gained the brilliant victory of Ligni ;  but my lieutenant robbed me of its fruits.  Finally, I triumphed even at Waterloo, and was immediately hurled into the abyss.  Yet I must confess that all these strokes of fate, distressed me more than they surprised me.  I felt the presentiment of an unfortunate result.  Not that this in any way influenced my determinations and measures ;  but the foreboding certainly haunted my mind.”

That such was really Napoleon’s state of feeling at the period here alluded to, is evident from the following anecdote, which is so very remarkable, that I cannot forbear presenting it to the reader.  When on the banks of the Sambre, the Emperor early one morning approached a bivouac fire, accompanied only by his aide-de-camp on duty (General Corbineau).  Some potatoes were boiling on the fire, and the Emperor asked for one, and began to eat it.  Then, with a meditative and somewhat melancholy expression, he uttered the following broken sentences :— “After all, it is endurable ... Man may live in any place, and in any way ... The moment perhaps is not far remote—Themistocles !...” The aide-de-camp above mentioned, who himself related this circumstance to me, since my return to Europe, observed, that had the Emperor been successful, these words would have passed away without leaving any impression on him ;  but, that after the catastrophe, and particularly after reading the celebrated letter to the Prince Regent, he had been struck with the recollection of the bivouac of the Sambre ;  and Napoleon’s manner, tone, and expression, had since so haunted his mind, that he could never banish the circumstance from his memory.

It is a mistake to suppose that Napoleon was on all occasions inspired by that internal confidence, which his acts and decisions seemed to denote.  When he quitted the Tuileries, in January 1814, to enter upon his immortal but unfortunate campaign in the environs of Paris, his mind was depressed by gloomy apprehensions :— and a circumstance that bears evidence of his penetration and foresight, is, that at the period in question, he felt convinced of what the majority of the individuals about him were far from suspecting ;— namely, that if he fell, it would be by the Bourbons.  This idea he communicated to a few of his particular friends, who vainly endeavoured to rouse his confidence, by vainly representing that the Bourbons were forgotten, that they were wholly unknown to the present generation :— “There is the real danger,” was his invariable reply.  Thus, immediately after his eloquent and impressive harangue to the officers of the national guard, in which among other things he said :— “You elected me, I am your work, and it is for you to defend me ;” and which he concluded by presenting to them the Empress and the King of Rome, saying, “I go to oppose the enemy, and I consign to your care all that I hold most dear :”— immediately after delivering this address, when on the point of quitting the Tuileries, he foresaw at that decisive moment the treachery and perfidy that awaited him, and he resolved to secure the person of him who proved to be the main-spring of the plot, by which his overthrow was effected.  He was prevented from executing his intention only by representations, and it may even be said, offers of personal responsibility, on the part of some of his Ministers, who assured him, that the individual suspected, had more reason than any one else to dread the return of the Bourbons.  Napoleon yielded ;  at the same time emphatically expressing fears that he might have cause to regret his forbearance !...

The following circumstance, which is but little known, is important, since it proves how much, in the height of the crisis, Napoleon’s thoughts were directed towards the Bourbons.  After the check sustained at Brienne, the evacuation of Troyes, the forced retreat on the Seine, and the degrading conditions which were transmitted from Chatillon, but which were so generously rejected, the Emperor, who was closeted with one of his friends, overpowered at sight of the miseries that were impending on France, suddenly rose from his chair, exclaiming with warmth :— “Perhaps I still possess the means of saving France..... What if I were myself to recal the Bourbons !  The Allies would then be compelled to arrest their course, under pain of being overwhelmed with disgrace, and detected in their duplicity ;  under pain of being forced to acknowledge that their designs were directed against our territory, rather than against my person.  I should sacrifice all to the country.  I should become the mediator between the French people and the Bourbons.  I should oblige the latter to accede to the national laws, and to swear fidelity to the existing compact :  my glory and name would be a guarantee to the French people.  As to me, I have reigned long enough.  My career is filled with acts of glory ;  and this last will not be esteemed the least.  I shall rise the higher by descending thus far....” Then, after a pause of some moments, he added :— “But can a repulsed dynasty ever forgive ?... Can it ever forget ?... Can the Bourbons be trusted ?... May not Fox be right in his famous maxim respecting restorations ?...”

Overcome by grief and anxiety, he threw himself on his couch, and was shortly after roused to be made acquainted with the march of the flank of Blucher’s corps, on which he had for some time been secretly keeping watch.  He rose to put into action that new spring of resources, energy and glory, which will for ever consecrate the names of Champ-Aubert, Montmerail, Chateau-Thierry, Vaux-Champ, Nangis, Montereau, Craone, &c.  These marvellous successes dismayed Alexander and the English, and suggested to them the expediency of treating :  they might indeed have entirely changed the face of affairs, had not Napoleon’s designs been thwarted by accidents beyond the reach of human calculation.  For example, the important orders that were not communicated to the Viceroy, the defection of Murat, the indolence and negligence of certain Chiefs, and finally, even the successful movements of the French, which, by separating the Emperor of Austria from the other Allied Sovereigns, left the latter entirely free to plan the abdication of Fontainebleau, an event which will ever be celebrated in the history of our destiny and our moral character.

Philosophic thinkers, painters of the human heart, turn your eyes to Fontainebleau, and contemplate the fall of the greatest of monarchs !  Observe how the retinue by which the unfortunate hero was surrounded,—those whom he had loaded with favours, honours, and riches,—at the first frown of fortune, forsook, betrayed, and even sought to insult him !.... Mark how the first among them in rank, favour and confidence—he whom the great Prince had vainly sought to inspire with exalted sentiment, by treating him as his companion and his friend,—mark how this man degraded himself to the level of the Mameluke, whose native manners rendered him perhaps more excusable, and who thought it perfectly natural to forsake his fallen master.

At Fontainebleau, the crisis being fulfilled, and while Napoleon was earnestly engaged, this favourite companion presented himself before him to solicit permission to proceed to Paris, only, as he said, for a short time, and for the purpose of settling some business, after which, he declared his intention of returning to the Emperor, never again to leave him.  But Napoleon could read the secrets of the human mind, and the individual here alluded to, had no sooner withdrawn, than the Emperor breaking from the subject on which he was engaged, said to the person with whom he had been conversing :— “There he goes to seal his own degradation ;  and in spite of all his protestations, he will never come back again.”  He spoke truly ;  the deserter hastened to greet the first rays of the rising sun ;  and no sooner had it shone upon him, than he renounced his benefactor, his friend, and master !.... In speaking of the Emperor, he was even known to use the expressions :  that man !  And yet Napoleon so readily forgave human weakness, and was so superior to every feeling of rancour and resentment, that on his return from Elba, he expressed regret at not seeing the individual, who had acted so treacherous a part, adding, with a smile :— “The rogue is afraid of me, I suppose ;  but he has no reason to be so.  The only punishment I should have inflicted on him, would have been to require him to appear before me in his new costume.  They tell me he looks even uglier than usual.”

And how many instances of private turpitude might not be mentioned !  I myself can attest, that an individual who had been most remarkable for his base conduct on returning from Fontainebleau, appeared one of the most forward at the Tuileries, on the 20th of March.  He appeared very much disconcerted at the accidental or intended solitude in which he was left by all the rest.  A witness of his late misconduct, burying the recollection of past troubles in the present joy, hastened to him and relieved him from his embarrassment.  Such generosity cost little at that moment :

Aux coeurs heureux les vertus sont faciles.

I refer to the Manuscript of 1814, for a picture of these mortifying events.^[2]  The reader may there learn ...... But no, he will learn nothing new ..... In all circumstances, at all times, and in all countries, men, and particularly courtiers, are ever the same ;  and it must be recollected that by this time, Napoleon’s camp had become a court.—Let not these men say, that their conduct was dictated by regard for the welfare and interest of their country.  The thought of securing the undisturbed enjoyment of the wealth and honours they had acquired, in their minds superseded every patriotic consideration.  But history will be just.  I say history, for the bulk of the present generation cannot even claim this sad honour.  Where was our indignation ?  Where was our reprobation authentically and solemnly pronounced ?.... And let it be understood, that this is a point wholly unconnected with political considerations.  The question is not what cause these men supported ;  but merely, what moral principle they professed.  But it must not be supposed that discontented misanthropy would lead me to draw a picture discouraging to all hearts, and to conclude, by the proscription of all mankind.  By no means :—I am well aware that the moment of great trials is that of great extremities ;  and that amidst the basest passions, the most brilliant heroism and noble virtue shine conspicuous.  Therefore, honoured be those veteran bands, whose bitter tears attested their sincere sorrow !  Honoured be those innumerable subaltern officers, to whom a word would have been the signal for shedding every drop of their blood !  Honoured be the generous peasantry, who presented to our troops their last morsel of bread ;  and disregarding their own privations, parted with all to aid the brave defenders of their country !  Honoured be those generous sentiments, that were expressed by the citizens of every class, sex, and age !  If, on the one side, the heart is roused to indignation, it finds a delicious source of gratification on the other !... At St. Helena, the Emperor dictated an account of the events of Fontainebleau, and his removal to the Island of Elba ;  but my memory does not enable me to quote any of the facts thus detailed.  I took no notes of them, because, with a view of abridging my own labour, I laid down the rule of passing over those subjects that were dictated to others, being assured that they would be faithfully recorded.  Besides, the narrative to which I have just alluded, is destined for publication.  I shall, therefore, merely subjoin a few particulars which, I presume, are not included in it, and which are collected from Napoleon’s conversations, or other authentic sources.

When the disasters of 1814 were apparent, when the danger was imminent, particularly after the entrance of the Allies into Paris, many of the French Generals began to waver.  Those, in whom selfishness prevailed over patriotism ;  those, who preferred to retire from the fatigues of war, rather than to obey the dictates of duty, honour and glory, urged on the catastrophe, instead of seeking to avert it.  The most distinguished Chiefs ventured to advise the abdication, and declared it to be indispensable.  Some even went so far as to hint to the Emperor, that they could not answer for the consequences of the dissatisfaction and indignation which the soldiers manifested towards him ;  while, on the contrary, as Napoleon himself said, “Such was the attachment of the troops, and the devotedness of the officers, that if I had made known the machinations that were plotting, I certainly should have endangered those who were guilty of such misrepresentation.  A single word from me would have sacrificed them.”  Napoleon reviewed the troops :  their acclamations were enthusiastic and general.  It appeared as though adversity served only to render the Emperor the more dear to them, for their attachment was never so decidedly expressed.  “It was impossible it could be otherwise,” said Napoleon, “such was the identity of these brave men with me, and such our mutual sympathy, I never entertained a doubt of their attachment.”

In this extremity, Napoleon profoundly reflected on what course it was advisable for him to pursue.  He yet possessed forty or 50,000 troops, the best and most devoted in the world ;  he might without risk, have overawed or dismissed the faithless generals.  In this state of things, three different measures, by turns, presented themselves to his mind.

The first was to return upon Paris ;  for he imagined that no General on earth would be bold enough to give him battle with that immense capital in his rear.  “At my command,” said the Emperor, “the whole population would have risen.  I should suddenly have found my forces recruited, by the addition of one or 200,000 men.  But the Allies, on retiring, might have burnt the capital ;  and this disaster would have been accounted my work.  It is true, the burning of Paris might have proved in reality the salvation of France, as the burning of Moscow was the salvation of Russia ;  but such sacrifices can only be made by the parties interested.”

The second idea which suggested itself to the Emperor’s mind, was to proceed to Italy, to form a junction with the Viceroy.  “But this,” said Napoleon, “would have been a desperate course, without the chance of obtaining an adequate result.  It would have removed the theatre of conflict to too remote a point.  Public enthusiasm would have had time to subside ;  and we should no longer have been fighting in France, on whose sacred soil alone we could hope to work the prodigies that had become indispensable.”

Neither of these two measures would have been practicable.  Only the third course, therefore, remained, and this was, to continue on the defensive, to dispute every foot of ground, and to maintain the war until new chances should arise.  The stupor, which the presence of the invaders had produced, would soon be dispelled ;  the miseries they created, would soon render them the objects of execration ;  the national enthusiasm would revive ;  and the Allies would find their graves in the land which they had presumed to violate.  But this must necessarily have been the work of time ;  in a word, success was doubtful, or, at least, remote ;  while the sufferings of the people were certain, immediate, and incalculable.  The noble mind of Napoleon was moved ;  and he resolved to abdicate.

Meanwhile, he despatched to the Emperor Alexander a deputation of Marshals, among whom was the Duke of Ragusa, one of those to whom he was most fondly attached.  The Deputation was instructed to propose the abdication of Napoleon, in favour of his son.  The Emperor thus hoped to save France, to secure her independence, and the duration of her existing institutions.  The Emperor Alexander, who had several days before publicly declared, that he would not treat either with Napoleon or any of the members of his family, nevertheless discussed the subject contradictorily with that party of the Senate, who proposed the abdication.  The Marshals spoke vehemently, and in the name of the whole army.  Alexander’s determination was shaken, and the party favourable to the Regency, seemed likely to prevail, when intelligence arrived of the defection of the Duke of Ragusa ;  and this circumstance confirmed Alexander in his previous resolution.  The event came upon him like a ray of light :  the army, then, is not unanimous, thought he !  From that moment, setting aside all reserve, he declared himself to be inflexible.  In this state of things, Napoleon was surrounded, urged and harassed to sign his positive and unconditional abdication.  He yielded, after a great internal struggle, and dictated the act of abdication, in the following terms :—

The Allied Powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is the only obstacle to the re-establishment of the peace of Europe, the Emperor, faithful to his oath, renounces for himself and his heirs, the thrones of France and Italy, and declares, that there is no sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not ready to make for the interests of France.”

This declaration, which the Allies were far from expecting in so absolute a form, smoothed away every difficulty, and the Marshals returned with what is called the treaty of Fontainebleau, which I shall presently insert.

I find in Baron Fain’s Manuscript of 1814, a complete explanation of certain remarks made by the Emperor, which I noted down at the time, without exactly comprehending their meaning.  In the fifth part of this Journal, the Emperor, alluding to the treaty of Fontainebleau, says, “I will have nothing to do with that treaty ;  I disclaim it.  Far from being proud of it, I blush for it.  It was discussed for me, and against my will,” &c.  And, on another occasion, he says, “When the history of the events of Fontainebleau comes to be known, it will afford ample room for surprise.”  The Manuscript of 1814, proves that Napoleon had, indeed, nothing to do with the treaty of Fontainebleau.  The utmost exertions were employed to prevail on him to sign the treaty ;  and he was, at length, only influenced by the public considerations that were adduced in support of it.  He thought it both degrading and useless to sign the treaty.  Having survived his greatness, he wished henceforth to live as a private individual ;  and he was mortified to reflect that the vast sacrifice that had been made, for the peace of the world, should be mingled with pecuniary arrangements.  “Of what use is a treaty,” said he, “since they will not settle the interests of France with me ?  If only my personal interests are concerned, there is no need of a treaty.  I am conquered ;  I yield to the fate of arms.  All I ask is, that I may not be accounted a prisoner of war ;  and for that a mere cartel is sufficient !”

Every endeavour to turn his thoughts to his personal situation, his existence, and future wants, proved unavailing.  To all such suggestions, he energetically replied, “What matters it ?  A horse, and a crown a day, are all that I want.”

I, for my part, can bear witness, that the Emperor infinitely regretted having ratified the treaty of Fontainebleau ;  and this was not the only decision, of the period, which weighed heavily on his mind.  He also very much regretted having yielded, when in his position at St. Dizier and Doulevant, to the various representations and suggestions, by which he was assailed, and which induced him, against his inclination, to make a counter-march upon Paris.

“ Here I wanted firmness,” said he ;  “I should have followed up my intention of advancing to the Rhine, collecting reinforcements from all the garrisons on my way, and exciting the rise of the peasantry.  By this means, I should soon have possessed an immense army.  Murat would immediately have rejoined me ;  and he and the Viceroy would have made me master of Vienna, if the Allies had presumed to deprive me of Paris.  But no ;  the enemy would have shrunk from the dangers with which he would have been surrounded.  The allied Sovereigns would have regarded it as a favour to have been permitted to retire.  The storm that assailed us would have subsided.  Peace would have been concluded, and sincerely maintained ;  for all were exhausted ;  all had wounds to heal !..... Abroad, war could no longer have been thought of ;  and at home, such a result must have had the effect of destroying all illusion, frustrating every evil design, and permanently blending the opinions, views, and interests of all parties.  I should once more have seated myself triumphantly on the throne, surrounded by my invincible bands.  The heroic and faithful portion of the people, would have regulated those who had wavered ;  and the men who had shewn themselves so eager for repose, might have enjoyed it.  A new generation of chiefs would have remoulded our character.  Every effort would have been directed to the internal welfare of the country ;  and France would have been happy !”

When speaking of the confusion created in Paris, by the approach of the Allies ;  the dejection, to use no stronger a term, that was evinced by the upper classes ;  the good spirit and enthusiasm manifested by the great body of the people, who were ready to fight, if they could have procured arms,—I observed that the departure of the Empress had produced a fatal effect on the public mind.  I mentioned, as a singular circumstance, that the young King of Rome, contrary to custom, obstinately refused to quit the palace :  he wept bitterly, and it was found necessary to carry him away by force.  I also added that it was universally reported that the Empress wished to remain, and that the Council was inclined to second her wishes, until precise orders were received from the Emperor, directing her to quit Paris, in case of urgent danger on the part of the enemy.  “Yes,” said the Emperor, “and those orders were very necessary.  The Empress was young, and totally inexperienced.  Had she been capable of personal decision, my directions would have been quite the contrary.  Paris then would have been her proper post.  But I foresaw the intrigues of which she would be the object ;  and I wished to prevent at Paris, what subsequently occurred at Orleans.  There, the men who were planning the Regency, in the expectation of ruling under the Empress, prevented her from joining me.  What fatal consequences were thus produced !  Would to heaven that I had also despatched timely orders, directing her to quit Orleans !”

It is certain that at Fontainebleau, Napoleon was, almost at one and the same moment, the victim of every kind of mental distress, with which man can possibly be assailed.  Subdued by defection, and not by force of arms, he felt all that could rouse the indignation of a lofty mind, or break an affectionate heart.  His friends forsook him ;  his servants betrayed him ;  one surrendered up his army ;  another his treasury.  The men whom he had reared, maintained, and loaded with favours, were those who wrought his overthrow.  The members of the Senate, who, only the day before, had supplied him profusely with conscripts to oppose the enemy, scrupled not to become the instruments of that very enemy.  Under the impulse of foreign bayonets, they imputed to him as a crime that which was their own work ;  and basely brake the idol which they had themselves created, and so servilely worshipped.  What a depth of disgrace and degradation !.... Finally (and this stroke Napoleon felt more severely than all the rest), his wife and child were carried away from him ;  and in defiance of treaties and laws, in opposition to all moral principle, he was never allowed to see them more !...

It appears that Napoleon, oppressed by this weight of affliction, surrounded by this odious turpitude, in his utter contempt of human nature, and all things connected with this world, formed the resolution of ridding himself of life.  A letter has been preserved, written in his own hand to the Empress, in which he says that the moment has arrived when she must prepare her mind for every thing ;  that all is possible, even the death of the Emperor.  This was, doubtless, an allusion to the mysterious event of the night of the 12th of April, which was wrapt in profound secrecy.  The Manuscript of 1814, however, contains some particulars relative to this occurrence, which, if they be correct, will not leave the furious enemies of Napoleon even the satisfaction of repeating the stupid and vulgar remark, that he had not courage to die ;... for according to the Manuscript, it appears, on the contrary, that he could not die !  This is not the least extraordinary event in Napoleon’s career.  His remark, Heaven has ordained that I shall live ! and the calm and noble resignation, which from that moment succeeded, appear truly sublime.

Napoleon’s celebrated farewell address to his troops, and his last embrace of those eagles which he had immortalized, are well known.  A Prussian diplomatist, who was present, has assured me that the scene produced an impression on him that time can never obliterate.  He added, that the English Commissioner, who stood near him, and who had previously been an inveterate enemy of Napoleon, was so deeply moved, that he shed tears.

Such were the sentiments of respect and veneration naturally inspired by Napoleon, that in spite of the danger and inconvenience occasioned by his presence in France, no one presumed to hasten his departure ;  and he was allowed full time to make all the arrangements he wished.

The treaty of abdication is dated the 11th of April, and Napoleon did not quit Fontainebleau until the 20th, nine days after.  Throughout the first part of his journey, he was the object of universal respect, and often of the warmest and most affectionate interest.^[3]

Hitherto, foreigners seemed to have formed no idea of the spirit that prevailed in France, or of the real feelings of the people, with regard to the Emperor.  However, it was deemed prudent to arrange matters, so that Napoleon should reach Lyons in the night ;  or, I rather believe, it was intended to prevent his reaching that city at all.  I received the following particulars from an English gentleman, one of those who had been long detained in France, and who happened, at the period in question, to be residing at Lyons.  My informant, and the Austrian General, went out in disguise, and mingled with the crowd that had assembled to see the dethroned Monarch pass by.  They expected to be much amused with the imprecations of which, they concluded, he would be the object.  But, as soon as the Emperor appeared, deep silence prevailed among the multitude ;  and an old woman, to all appearance above the common class, habited in deep mourning, and with a countenance full of enthusiasm, rushed forward to the door of the Emperor’s carriage.  “Sire,” said she, with an air of solemnity, “may the blessing of heaven attend you.  Endeavour to make yourself happy.  They tear you from us ;  but our hearts are with you wheresoever you go.”  The Austrian General, quite disconcerted, said to his companion, “Let us begone ;  I have no patience with this old mad woman.  The people have not common sense.”

A little beyond Lyons, the General in Chief, of the army of the East, appeared on the road ;  and Napoleon, alighting from his carriage, walked with him for a considerable way.  When the General had taken his leave, one of the allied Commissioners ventured to express his surprise that the Emperor should have treated him with such an appearance of friendship and confidence :  “Why should I not ?” inquired Napoleon.  “Your Majesty is, perhaps, not aware of his conduct ?”—“What has he done?” —“Sire, he entered into an understanding with us several weeks ago.”—“It was even so,” said the Emperor, “he whom I had intrusted with the defence of France on this point, sacrificed and betrayed the country.”  After many complaints of the perfidy of men in whom he had reposed confidence ;  he concluded by saying ;— “The Marshal was no longer the soldier.—His early courage and virtues had raised him above the multitude ;  but honours, dignities, and fortune, again reduced him to the common level.  The conqueror of Castiglione might have left behind him a name dear to his country.  But France will execrate the memory of the traitor of Lyons, and all who acted as he did, unless, indeed, their future services shall make amends for their past wrongs.”

This circumstance dictated the famous proclamation which the Emperor issued on his return.  “Frenchmen,” said he, “the defection of the Duke of Castiglione, left Lyons defenceless and at the mercy of the enemy.  The army, of which I had intrusted that Chief with the command, was, from the number of its battalions, and the courage and patriotism of its troops, capable of defeating the corps of the Austrian army opposed to it, and advancing on the rear of the left flank of the enemy’s force that threatened Paris.  The victories of Champ-Aubert, Montmirail, Chateau-Thierry, Vaux-Champ, Mormans, Montereau, Craone, Rheims, Arcis-sur-Aube, and St. Dizier ;  the rising of the brave peasantry of Lorraine, Champagne, Alsace, the Franche-Comté, and Burgundy ;  the position which I had taken up in the rear of the enemy, intercepting his magazines, parks of reserve, convoys, and equipages,—all had thrown the invading forces into a desperate situation.  The French people never had the prospect of becoming more powerful.  The enemy’s picked corps would have been irretrievably lost, and would have found their graves in those plains which they so mercilessly ravaged, when the treason of the Duke of Ragusa delivered up the capital, and disorganized the army.  The unlooked-for conduct of these two generals, who at once betrayed their country, their prince, and their benefactor, changed the fate of the war.  Such was the disastrous situation of the enemy, after the affair which took place before Paris, that he was absolutely destitute of ammunition, by being separated from his parks of reserve,”^[4] &c.

Napoleon was less favourably received in proportion as he advanced to Provence ;  for there the machinations of his enemies had anticipated his arrival.  He had escaped the ambush of Maubreuil, but he could not avoid that of Orgon ;  and this part of his dictated narrative is not the least curious.

On his arrival at the place of embarkation, he found two vessels in readiness to receive him ;  the one French, and the other English.  Napoleon went on board the English frigate, observing, that he would never allow it to be said that a Frenchman had conveyed him away.

Such is a brief account of the great event, the details of which, dictated by Napoleon himself, will, as I have already mentioned, hereafter be presented to the public.  France has been inundated with pamphlets on the subject, so full of falsehood and absurdity, that every honest and sensible man now blushes for having given credit to them, or having had even the courage to read them.

The following is the treaty of Fontainebleau, to which I have already alluded.  It was carefully suppressed at the time it was drawn up, was never published in the Moniteur, and remained long unknown.  It is to be found only in official collections, and even there the copies differ one from another.  I presume, therefore, that its insertion here will not be deemed superfluous.  It is intimately connected with the subject of which I have just been treating, and many of its articles are still the topics of daily conversation ;  and it must of course be satisfactory to be enabled to discuss with a full knowledge of facts.

Treaty Of Fontainebleau.

“ Article I.—His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his successors and descendants, as well as for all the members of his family, all right of sovereignty and dominion over the French Empire, and the kingdom of Italy, as well as over every other country.

“ II.—Their Majesties the Emperor Napoleon and Empress Maria Louisa, shall retain their titles and rank, to be enjoyed during their lives.

“ The mother, brothers, sisters, nephews and nieces of the Emperor, shall also retain, wherever they may reside, the titles of Princes of the Emperor’s family.

“ III.—The Isle of Elba, adopted by his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon as his place of residence, shall form, during his life, a separate principality, which shall be possessed by him in full sovereignty and property.

“ There shall be besides granted, in full property to the Emperor Napoleon, an annual revenue of 2,000,000 francs in rent charge in the great book of France, of which 1,000,000 shall be in reversion to the Empress.

“ IV.—All the Powers promise to employ their good offices in causing to be respected by the Barbary Powers, the flag and territory of the Isle of Elba ;  for which purpose, the relations with the Barbary Powers, shall be assimilated to those of France.

“ V.—The Duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, shall be granted in full property and sovereignty to her Majesty the Empress Maria Louisa.  They shall pass to the Prince her son, and to his descendants in the right line.  The Prince shall, henceforth, take the title of Prince of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla.

“ VI.—There shall be reserved in the territories renounced by this treaty, to his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, for himself and his family, domains, rent charges, in the great book of France, producing an annual revenue, clear of all deductions and charges, of 2,500,000 francs.  These domains, or rents, shall belong, in full property, to be disposed of as they think fit, to the Princes and Princesses of the Emperor’s family, and shall be divided amongst them in such manner, that the revenues of each shall be in the following pro portion, viz :—

To Madame Mere ................ 300,000
To King Joseph and his Queen .. 500,000
To King Louis ................. 200,000
To the Queen Hortense and her children ...400,000
To King Jerome and his Queen ... 500,000
To the Princess Eliza ......... 300,000
To the Princess Paulina ....... 300,000

“ The Princes and Princesses of the family of the Emperor Napoleon, shall moreover retain all the property, moveable and immoveable, of every kind whatever, which they may possess by private right ;  together with the rents which they hold also, as private individuals, in the great book of France, or the Monte-Napoleone of Milan.

“ VII.—The annual pension of the Empress Josephine shall be reduced to 1,000,000 in domains, or inscriptions in the great book of France.

She shall continue to enjoy, in full property, all her private fortune, moveable and immoveable, with power to dispose of it conformably to the French Laws.

“ VIII.—There shall be granted to Prince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, a suitable establishment out of France.

“ IX.—The property which the Emperor Napoleon possesses in France, either as extraordinary domain, or private domain, will remain attached to the crown.

“ Of the funds vested by the Emperor in the great book of France, in the French bank, in the Actions des Forêts, or in any other manner, and which his Majesty resigns to the crown, there shall be reserved a capital, not exceeding 2,000,000 of francs, to be expended in gratuities, in favour of the individuals whose names shall be contained in a list signed by the Emperor Napoleon, and which shall be transmitted to the French Government.

“ X.—All the crown diamonds shall remain in France.

“ XI.—His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, shall return to the treasury, and to the other public funds, all the sums and effects, that may have been taken therefrom by his orders, with the exception of what has been appropriated from the civil list.

“ XII.—The debts of the household of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, such as they may be at the time of the signature of the present treaty, shall be immediately discharged out of the arrears due by the public treasury to the civil list, according to a list which shall be signed by a Commissioner appointed for that purpose.

“ XIII.—The obligations of the Monte-Napoleone, of Milan, towards all creditors, whether Frenchmen or foreigners, shall be punctually fulfilled, without any change being made in this respect.

“ XIV.—There shall be granted all the necessary passports for the free passage of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, the Empress, the Princes and Princesses, and all the persons of their suites, who wish to accompany them, or fix their abode in foreign countries, as well as for the passage of all the equipages, horses, and effects, belonging to them.

“ The Allied Powers will, in consequence, furnish officers and men for escorts.

“ XV.—The French Imperial Guard, shall furnish a detachment of from 1200 to 1500 men, of all arms, to serve as an escort to the Emperor to St. Tropez, the place of his embarkation.

“ XVI.—A brig and the necessary transport vessels, shall be fitted out to convey to the place of his destination, his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon and his household.  The brig shall belong, in full property, to his Majesty the Emperor.

“ XVII.—The Emperor shall be allowed to take with him, and retain, as his guard, 400 men, volunteers and officers, as well as sub-officers and soldiers.

“ XVIII.—Every Frenchman who may follow the Emperor Napoleon, or his family, shall be held to have forfeited his rights as a Frenchman, should he not return to France within three years ;  at least, if he be not included in the exceptions which the French Government reserves to itself to grant, after the expiration of that period.

“ XIX.—The Polish troops of all arms, in the service of France, shall be at liberty to return home, and shall retain their arms and baggage, as a testimony of their honourable services.  The officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, shall retain the decorations which have been granted to them, and the pensions annexed to these decorations.

“ XX.—The Allied Powers guarantee the execution of the articles of the present treaty, and promise to obtain its adoption and guarantee by France.

“ XXI.—The present act shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Paris within ten days, or sooner, if possible.

“ Done at Paris, April 11, 1814.

(Signed)
Caulincourt, Duke of Vicenza ;
Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarento ;
Marshal Ney, Duke of Elchingen ;^[5]
Prince Metternich.”

The same articles were signed separately and under the same date, by Count Nesselrode on behalf of Russia, and Baron Hardenberg, on behalf of Prussia.

Declaration Of Accession In The Name Of Louis Xviii.

“ The undersigned, Minister and Secretary of State for the department of Foreign Affairs, having submitted to the King the inquiry which their excellencies the plenipotentiaries of the Allied Powers have been ordered by their sovereigns to make, relative to the treaty of the 11th of April, to which the Provisional Government has acceded ;  his Majesty has been pleased to authorize him in his name, to declare, that the clauses of the treaty, in so far as France is concerned, shall be faithfully executed.  The undersigned has consequently the honour to communicate this declaration to their excellencies.

(Signed)
“ The Prince of Benevento.
Paris, May 31, 1814.”

The great European triumvirate drew up the treaty of Fontainebleau, England acceded to it, a declaration made in the name of the King of France, promised it fulfilment in so far as he was concerned ;  and yet, in spite of all these guarantees, it may be said that scarcely any of the articles were observed.  Certainly, it would be difficult to conceive a more flagrant violation of good faith or a more absolute compromise of the august signatures, which, it was to be expected, each party would have been individually interested in preserving unsullied and sacred.  On these manifest violations, was grounded the moral justification of Napoleon’s enterprise in 1815.  This opinion was pretty generally adopted :  it was advocated by the most distinguished members of the English Parliament, those indefatigable supporters of great principles, and by eminent statesmen of all countries.  I may add to these high authorities, an individual opinion, which though somewhat comically expressed, was not perhaps the less just.  An Austrian gentleman of rank, who was in Paris in 1815, and who was a furious enemy of Napoleon, called on me just at the time when the Emperor’s advance to the capital began to produce a great sensation.  The Austrian had already determined to set off, and he said to me with all possible gravity and sincerity :  “Certainly, he hitherto occupied the throne of France as an usurper :  that’s unquestionable !  But,” added he, quibbling with himself diplomatically, “if he should now conquer France, after all the monarchs of Europe have acknowledged him as a sovereign, and have entitled him to go to war by not observing the conditions they entered into, the case would be very different.  And, upon my word !..... for my own part at least .... I think in that ease ... there might be some ground for maintaining that he has become legitimate.  At least, I think I should myself be inclined to consider him so.”

Letter from Lord Castlereagh to Lord Bathurst, relative to the Treaty of Fontainebleau.  (Paris, April 15, 1814.)

“ Your Lordship has been already informed, by Lord Cathcart, of the Act of Abdication which was passed by Bonaparte, on the 4th instant, and of the assurance which was given him by the Emperor of Russia, and the Provisional Government, of a pecuniary provision of six millions of francs, with a safe asylum in the Island of Elba.  The act in question, was deposited in the hands of M. de Caulincourt, and Marshals Ney and Macdonald, to be given up upon the due execution of engagements on the part of the Allies, with respect to the proposed arrangement.  These persons were also authorized to agree to an armistice, and to settle such a line of demarcation, as might be satisfactory to the Allies, and, in the mean time, prevent an unnecessary effusion of blood.

“ On my arrival, I found this arrangement on the point of execution.  A convention had been discussed, and would have, in fact, been signed in the course of the day by the Russian Minister, had not the approach of the Allied Ministers been announced.  The motives for accelerating the immediate conclusion of this act, were the inconvenience, if not the danger of Napoleon’s remaining at Fontainebleau, surrounded by troops, who still, in a considerable degree, remained faithful to him ;  the apprehension of intrigues in the army and in the capital ;  and the importance attached, by a considerable portion of the officers, to some arrangement favourable to their chief, in satisfaction of their personal honour, before they left him.

“ On the night of my arrival, the four Ministers had a conference with the Prince de Benevento, on the subject of the proposed convention, to which I stated my objections, desiring, at the same time, to be understood as not urging them then, at the hazard of the internal tranquillity of France, nor in impeachment of what was due, in good faith, to the assurance given, under the exigency of the moment, by Russia.

“ The Prince de Benevento admitted the weight of many of the objections stated, but declared that he did consider it, on the part of the Provisional Government, as an object of the first importance, to avoid any thing that might assume the character of a civil war, even for the shortest time :— that he also found some such measure necessary, to make the army pass over in a temper to be made use of.  Upon these declarations, and the Count de Nesselrode’s, that the Emperor, his master, had found it necessary, in the absence of the Allies, to act for the best, in their name as well as his own ;  I withdrew any further opposition to the principle of the measure, suggesting only some alterations in the details.  I desired, however, to decline, on the part of my Government, being more than an acceding party to the treaty, and declared that the Act of Accession on the part of Great Britain, should not go beyond the territorial arrangements proposed in the Treaty.  My objections to our unnecessarily mixing in its forms, especially in the recognition of Napoleon’s title under present circumstances, were considered as perfectly reasonable ;  and I now enclose the protocol and note, which will explain the extent to which I have taken it upon me to give assurances on the part of my Court.

“ At my suggestion, the recognition of the imperial titles in the family, were limited to their respective lives, for which there was a precedent in the case of the King of Poland, when he became Elector of Saxony.

“ To the arrangement in favour of the Empress, I not only felt no objection, but considered it due to the distinguished sacrifice of domestic feelings, which the Emperor of Austria was making to the cause of Europe.  I should have wished to substitute another position, in lieu of Elba, for the seat of Napoleon’s retirement ;  but none, having the quality of security on which he insisted, seemed disposable, to which equal objections did not occur ;  and I did not feel that I could encourage the alternative which M. de Caulincourt assured me Bonaparte repeatedly mentioned, namely, an asylum in England.

“ On the same night, the Allied Ministers had a conference with M. de Caulincourt, and the Marshals, at which I assisted.  The treaty was gone through, and agreed to with alterations ;  it has been since signed and ratified, and Bonaparte will commence his movement towards the south tomorrow, or the day following.

(Signed)
Castlereagh.”

I thought it advisable to transcribe this letter ;  it throws a complete light on the treaty of the 11th of April, of the particulars of which I was ignorant, even when at St. Helena ;  and it presents two points to which I particularly wish to call attention.  It explains the observation which fell from the Emperor, when I observed to him, that on an important occasion he seemed to have forgotten the acknowledgment of his title by the English at Fontainebleau ;  when he merely replied that it was done on purpose.  (Part V.) Now, I learn from the letter above quoted, that Lord Castlereagh studiously avoided the recognition ;  but this is no impeachment of the scrupulous correctness of Napoleon’s assertions.

The second point, which impartiality induces me to advert to is, that Lord Castlereagh, in his letter, speaks of the alternative offered by Napoleon, to retire to England in default of the cession of the Isle of Elba.  At a few pages further on (Nov. 16), it will be found that Napoleon, on the contrary, reproaches Lord Castlereagh with having caused it to be insinuated to him, that the adoption of England, as a place of residence, would be the preferable course.  These two statements are certainly quite contradictory ;  but regard for impartiality, as I before observed, has induced me to insert them.  The reader is, therefore, free to decide as he may think fit ;  for, as I have often heard the Emperor say, one man’s word is as good as another’s.  For my own part, my choice is soon determined :  I adopt the words of Napoleon, in spite of the assertions of Lord Castlereagh.  I still bear in mind the erroneous declarations of Lord Whitworth ;  which have been mentioned in the course of this Journal ;  the scandalous assertions respecting Napoleon, made by Lord Castlereagh in Parliament, or in public assemblies ;  the garbled documents, on the authority of which Murat’s deposition was decreed ;  and the numerous denials so confidently expressed by Lord Bathurst in the House of Lords, the falsehood of which was manifest to every individual at St. Helena, and occasioned embarrassment even to Sir Hudson Lowe.  I shall, therefore, adhere to the opinion I have formed, until I find good reason to alter it.

The Sword of Frederick the Great.—On Napoleon’s Marriage it was hoped that the Lion would slumber.—Tormenting Conduct of the Governor.—Our Lot enviable, even amidst our Misery.

13th.—This morning, when I was in the Emperor’s apartment, being unemployed, I took a fancy to examine Frederick the Great’s large watch, which hangs beside the chimney piece.  This led the Emperor to say, “I have been the possessor of glorious and valuable relics.  I had the sword of Frederick the Great ;  and the Spaniards presented to me at the Tuileries, the sword of Francis I.  This was a high compliment, and it must have cost them some sacrifice.  The Turks and Persians have also sent me arms, which were said to have belonged to Gengiskan, Tamerlane, Scha-Nadir, and I know not whom ;  but I attached importance not to the fact, but to the intention.”

I expressed my astonishment that he had not endeavoured to keep Frederick’s sword.  “Why, I had my own,” said he, smiling, and gently pinching my ear.  He was right :  I certainly made a very stupid observation.

Afterwards, alluding to his second marriage, he said, that he had intended to make choice of a Frenchwoman, and it would have been well if he had done so.  “Such an union would have been eminently national,” he observed.  “France was sufficiently great, and her Monarch sufficiently powerful, to set aside every consideration of foreign policy.  Besides, among Sovereigns, the ties of blood are always made to yield to political interests ;  hence what scandalous violations of moral feeling are frequently exhibited to the world.  Another objection that may be urged against marriages of this kind is, the admission of a foreign Princess into state secrets, which she may be tempted to betray ;  and if a sovereign place trust in his connexions abroad, he may find that he had set his foot on an abyss covered with flowers.  In short, it is absurd suppose that such alliances can guarantee or ensure any advantage.”

The announcement of the Emperor’s second marriage, was a source of joy to those prudent citizens who looked forward to the future.  A few days after he had formed his determination, Napoleon said to one of his Ministers (the Duke Decrès), in a moment of good humoured familiarity, “Well ;  it appears that people are very much pleased with my intended marriage.” —“Yes, Sire.”— “I suppose they expect the lion will slumber.” —“To say the truth, Sire, we are somewhat inclined to form that expectation.”

“Well,” resumed Napoleon, after a few moments’ silence, “ it is a mistake :  and it is not the fault of the lion either.  Slumber would be as sweet to him as to any other.  But do not you see, that while I am, to all appearance, incessantly attacking, I am, nevertheless, always engaged in self defence ?”

The correctness of this assertion might have been doubted, while the terrible conflict lasted ;  but the joy and indiscretion of the triumphant party, have sufficiently confirmed its truth.  Some boasted of having formed the determination of prosecuting the war until they had accomplished the destruction of their enemy :  others^[6] have unblushingly proclaimed, that the plot for Napoleon’s overthrow was hatched under the mask of alliance and friendship !

During this and the two succeeding days, my attention was wholly occupied by a contest which concerned me personally, and which has had so much influence on my subsequent destiny, that I cannot pass it over in silence.  Ever since my removal to Longwood, I had had, as a servant, a free mulatto, with whom I was very well satisfied ;  but Sir Hudson Lowe suddenly took it into his head to remove him.

Prompted by the determination of tormenting us, by every means his imagination could suggest, or (as many are inclined to believe,) following up a perfidiously laid plan, he sent the English officer on duty, to inform me, that he had conceived some doubts as to the propriety of my being attended by a native of the Island ;  and that he intended to remove my servant, and send me one of his own choosing.  My answer was brief and positive ;  “The Governor,” said I, “has it in his power to send away my servant if he pleases ;  but he may spare himself the trouble of sending me one of his choosing.  I am daily learning better and better how to dispense with the comforts of life.  I can, if necessary, serve myself :  this additional privation will be but slightly felt, amidst the sufferings to which we are subjected.”

This circumstance occasioned the interchange of a vast number of messages and notes.  Sir Hudson Lowe wrote three or four times every day to the officer on duty, directing him to make various communications to me.  He observed, that he did not understand my scruples, and could not conceive why I should object to any servant he might send me..... One of his selecting was as good as any other..... The offer of making the choice himself, was merely a mark of attention, &c.

I was distressed to see the poor officer thus mercilessly sent to and fro ;  and I was also heartily tired of the business myself.  I therefore begged that he would spare himself further trouble, by assuring the Governor, that to all his communications, my reply must invariably be the same ;  namely, that he might send away my servant if he pleased ;  but that he must not think of obliging me to receive one of his choosing ;  that he might place me in garrison by force, but never with my own consent.  While this correspondence was pending, my servant was sent for, interrogated, withdrawn from my service, then sent back again, and at length finally withdrawn.

I rendered an account of the whole affair to the Emperor, who highly applauded my determination of not admitting a spy among us.  “But,” said he, in the most engaging manner, “as this sacrifice has been made for the interest of all, it is not proper that you alone should be the sufferer.  Send to Gentilini, my valet de pied, and let him wait on you :  he will be very happy to earn, a few Napoleons in addition to his wages :  besides, tell him it is by my desire.”  Gentilini, at first, cheerfully undertook the duty ;  but in the evening, the poor fellow came to inform me that some one had told him, it was not proper for one of the Emperor’s servants to attend on a private persorn !... The Emperor had the goodness to send for Gentilini, and to repeat the orders with his own mouth.

Thus the Governor daily persecutes us in every imaginable way.  I do not mention all the circumstances of this kind that are continually occurring, not because habit has taught me to accommodate myself to them, but because the vexations that arise from mere ill-nature, are but trifles, in comparison with the greater miseries which we have to endure.....

If I attempt to portray the horrors of my own situation alone, let it be considered, that I am exiled, and probably for ever, to a desert rock, 2,000 leagues from home, confined in a small prison, beneath a sky, in a climate, and on a soil, totally different from those of my native country.  I am hastening to a premature grave, the only probable conclusion of my misery.  Bereft of my wife, children, and friends, who, though they still live, may be said to be no longer in the same world with me ;  shut out from all communication with mankind, I deplore the recollection of family affections, and the charms of friendship and society...  Certainly, there is no man, whatever be his country or his opinions, but must commisserate my lot.... But, in a moment, I can reverse the picture, and my situation will appear an enviable one !...

Where is the heart that does not beat at recollection of the achievements of Alexander and Cæsar ?  Who can approach the relics of Charlemagne without emotion ?  How happy should we be, could we recal the words, the accents, of Henry IV.!  Thus, when oppressed by mental dejection, when I feel the necessity of rousing my drooping spirits, while my heart is overflowing with these sensations, and my mind filled with these ideas, I exclaim, I possess all this, and more than this !  Here, I am not surrounded by mere illusions and historical recollections ;  I am in actual contact with the living man who has accomplished so many prodigies.  Every day, every moment, I may contemplate the features of him, who, with a glance, ordered battles, and decided the fate of empires.  I may gaze on the brow that is adorned with the laurels of Rivoli, Marengo, Austerlitz, Wagram, Jena, and Friedland.  I may presume to touch the hand that has wielded so many sceptres, and distributed so many crowns ;  which seized the enemy’s colours at Arcola and Lodi ;  and which, on a solemn occasion, surrendered into the hands of an afflicted wife, the only proofs of her husband’s guilt.  I hear the voice of him, who, when addressing his troops, in sight of the Egyptian pyramids, said, “My lads, from the summits of those monuments, forty centuries look down upon us !” who, halting and uncovering before a column of wounded Austrian soldiers, exclaimed, “Honour and respect to the unfortunate brave.”  I converse, almost familiarly, with the Monarch who ruled Europe ;  whose pastime was the embellishment of our cities, and the prosperity of our provinces ;  who raised us to so high a rank in the estimation of nations ;  and who wafted our glory to the clouds !.... I see him, I hear him speak, I attend on him, and, perhaps, even help to console him !.... Can I then lay claim to pity ?  On the contrary, will not thousands envy my lot ?  Who can boast of possessing so many sources of happiness, in circumstances similar to ours ?

New Works planned by the Emperor.—Remarks on great Commanders ;  War, &c.—Napolen’s Opinions on various Institutions.—Advocates.—Curates.—Miscellaneous Observations.

14th.—The Emperor sent for me about six o’clock.  He informed me that he had just been dictating a chapter on maritime rights.  He spoke to me of some other works he had in view.  I ventured to remind him of the fourteen paragraphs which he had already planned out, and to which I alluded on a former occasion.  He seemed pleased that I had mentioned the circumstance, and assured me that he would, one day or other, carry his design into execution.

He read and corrected the valuable notes which he had dictated to the Grand Marshal, on ancient and modern warfare, the different plans of composing and regulating armies, &c.  He afterwards entered into conversation, and, among other things, said, “No series of great actions is the more work of chance and fortune ;  it is always the result of reflection and genius.  Great men rarely fail in the most perilous undertakings.  Look at Alexander, Caesar, Hannibal, the great Gustavus, and others ;  they always succeeded.  Were they great men merely because they were fortunate ?  No ;  but because, being great men, they possessed the art of commanding fortune.  When we come to inquire into the causes of their success, we are astonished to find that they did every thing to obtain it.

“ Alexander, when scarcely beyond the age of boyhood, with a mere handful of brave troops, conquered a quarter of the globe.  But was this achievement the result of a mere accidental irruption, a sort of unexpected deluge ?  No ;  all was profoundly calculated, boldly executed, and prudently managed.  Alexander proved himself at once a distinguished warrior, politician, and legislator.  Unfortunately, on attaining the zenith of glory and success, his head was turned, and his heart corrupted.  He commenced his career with the mind of Trajan ;  but he closed it with the heart of Nero, and the manners of Heliogabalus.”  The Emperor here described the campaigns of Alexander, in such a manner, as enabled me to view the subject in a totally new light.

Alluding to Caesar, the Emperor remarked, that he, the reverse of Alexander, had commenced his career at an advanced period of life ;  that his youth had been passed in indolence and vice ;  but that he had ultimately evinced the most active and elevated mind.  He thought him one of the most amiable characters in history.  “Cæsar,” observed he, “overcame the Gauls, and the laws of his country.  But his great warlike achievements must not be attributed merely to chance and fortune.”  Here he analyzed the victories of Cæsar, as he had done those of Alexander.

“ Hannibal,” continued the Emperor, “is perhaps the most surprising character of any, from the intrepidity, confidence, and grandeur, evinced in all his enterprises.  At the age of twenty-six, he conceived what is scarcely conceivable, and executed what must have been looked upon as impossible.  Renouncing all communication with his country, he marched through hostile or unknown nations, which he was obliged to attach and subdue.  He crossed the Pyrenees and the Alps, which were presumed to be impassable, and descended upon Italy, sacrificing the half of his army for the mere acquisition of his field of battle, the mere right of fighting.  He occupied and governed Italy for the space of sixteen years, being several times within a hair’s breadth of possessing himself of Rome, and only relinquished his prey when his enemies profiting by the lesson he had set them, marched to attack the Carthaginian territory.  Can it be supposed that Hannibal’s glorious career and achievements were the mere result of chance, and fortune’s favours ?  Certainly, Hannibal must have been endowed with great vigour of mind, and he must also have possessed a vast consciousness of his own skill in the art of war, when being interrogated by his youthful conqueror, he hesitated not to place himself, though subdued, next in rank to Alexander and Pyrrhus, whom he esteemed as the first of warriors.

“ All the great Captains of antiquity,” continued Napoleon, “and those who in modern times have successfully retraced their footsteps, performed vast achievements, only by conforming with the rules and principles of the art ;  that is to say, by correct combinations, and by justly comparing the relation between means and consequences, efforts and obstacles.  They succeeded only by the strict observance of these rules, whatever may have been the boldness of their enterprises, or the extent of the advantages gained.  They in variably practised war as a science.  Thus they have become our great models, and it is only by closely imitating them, that we can hope to come near them.

“ My greatest successes have been ascribed merely to good fortune ;  and my reverses will no doubt be imputed to my faults.  But if I should write an account of my campaigns, it will be seen that in both cases, my reason and faculties were exercised in conformity with principles.”

It is to be hoped, that the Emperor will execute the idea of writing his campaigns.  How invaluable would be Napoleon’s commentaries !^[7]

The Emperor analyzed the characters of Gustavus-Adolphus and Condé :  with the latter, he said, science seemed to be instinctive, nature having created him with maturity of intellect.  Turenne, on the contrary, had perfected his talent by dint of study and acquirements.  I remarked, that Turenne had formed no pupils, while Condé had left many distinguished ones behind him.  “That was the mere caprice of chance,” replied the Emperor ;  “the contrary ought to have happened.  But it is not always in the master’s power to form good pupils ;  nature must lend her aid :  the seed must be sown in a fertile soil.”  He made many remarks on Eugene, Marlborough, Vendome, &c.  Frederick the Great, he said, was in all respects a super-excellent tactician, and possessed the art of rendering his troops absolute machines.  “How often,” said he, “men’s characters prove to be totally different from what their early actions indicate !  Do they themselves know what they really are ?  Frederick,” continued he, “at the commencement of his career took to flight, in the very face of victory ;  and, certainly the whole of his subsequent history, proves him to have been the most intrepid, most tenacious, and coolest of men.”

After dinner, the Emperor, who was pleased with the subject of the dictations and conversation in which he had been engaged during the morning, discoursed on the same topics for nearly an hour ;  discussing in the most masterly and ingenious way, a variety of points connected with the art of war.

Alluding to the great difference between ancient and modern warfare, he observed :  “The invention of fire-arms has wrought a total change.  This great discovery operates entirely to the advantage of assailants, though many moderns have maintained the contrary opinion.  The corporeal strength of the ancients,” added he, “was in harmony with their offensive and defensive weapons ;  ours, on the other hand, are entirely beyond our sphere.”

Should the Emperor leave behind him his thoughts on these points, they will be truly invaluable.  In course of the evening, he pronounced his opinion on several military subjects ;  sometimes embracing the highest questions, and sometimes descending into the minutest details.

He remarked, that war frequently depended on accidents, and that though a commander ought to be guided by general principles, yet, he should never lose sight of any thing that may enable him to profit by accidental circumstances.  The vulgar call good fortune, that which, on the contrary, is produced by the calculations of genius.

In the present mode of military operations, he thought it advisable that greater consistency should be given to the third rank of infantry, or, that it should be suppressed ;  and he explained his reasons for this.

He was of opinion, that infantry charged by cavalry, should fire from a distance, instead of firing closely, according to the present practice.  He proved the advantage of this method.

He observed, that infantry and cavalry left to themselves, without artillery, could procure no decisive result ;  but that, with the aid of artillery, all things else being equal, cavalry might destroy infantry.  He clearly explained these facts, and any others besides.

He added, that artillery really decided the fate of armies and nations ;  that men now fought with blows of cannon balls, as they fought with blows of fists ;  for battle, as in a siege, the art consisted in making numerous discharges converge on one and the same point ;  that amidst the conflict, he who had sufficient address to direct a mass of artillery suddenly and unexpectedly on any particular point of the enemy’s force, was sure of the victory.  This, he said, had been his grand secret, and his grand plan of tactics.

The Emperor conceived that it would he impossible to form a perfect army, without a revolution in the manners and education of the soldier, and perhaps even the officer.  It would be necessary to abolish our arms, magazines, commissaries, and carriages.  There could be no perfect army, until in imitation of the Roman custom, the soldier should receive his supply of corn, grind it in his hand-mill, and bake his bread himself.  We could not hope to possess an army, until we should abolish all our monstrous train of civil attendants, and commissary officers.

“ I contemplated all these changes,” said he, “but they never could have been put in practice, except during profound peace.  An army in a state of war, would infallibly have rebelled against such innovations.”

I will here insert some notes which I have collected at various times, relative to the new plans projected by the Emperor, not only in the army, but on many other points essential to social organization.

The Emperor often observed, that he intended, on the establishment of peace, to induce the powers of Europe to make an immense reduction of their standing armies.  He wished that each sovereign should limit himself to his guard, as the frame work of the army, to be raised in case of necessity.  He intended, should he have found himself compelled, to keep up a numerous army in time of peace, to employ the troops in public works, and to have disciplined and provisioned them on a peculiar plan.  Some of these ideas will, doubtless, be found in Napoleon’s Memoirs ;  I know the Emperor dictated remarks on these subjects, to different individuals of his suite.

He said, he had found that in his plans of campaigns and expeditions, the greatest difficulty arose from the modern method of provisioning troops ;  by which it was necessary first to find corn, then to get it ground, and next to get the flour made into bread.  The Roman custom, which he highly approved, and which he had intended to introduce wholly or in part, would have obviated all these inconveniences.  “By the adoption of the ancient plan,” said he, “an army might have marched to the further extremity of the world.  But, it would require time to bring about such a transition.  It could not have been accomplished by a mere order of the day.  I had long entertained the idea of such a change ;  but however great might have been my power, I should never have attempted to introduce it by force.  There is no subordination with empty stomachs.  Such an object could only have been effected in time of peace, and by insensible degrees :  I should have accomplished it by creating new military manners.”

The Emperor constantly insisted on subjecting the whole nation to the laws of the conscription.  “I am inexorable on the subject of exemption,” said he, one day in the Council of State ;— “it would be criminal.  How could I acquit my conscience with having exposed the life of one man, for the advantage of another ?  I do not even think I would exempt my own son.”  On another occasion, he said, “the conscription is the root of a nation, its moral purification, the real foundation of its habits.  By means of the conscription,” he added, “the nation was classed according to its real interests for defence abroad, and tranquillity at home.  Organized, built up in this way, the French people might have defied the world, and might with justice have renewed the saying of the proud Gauls :—If the sky should fall, we will keep it up with our lances.”

According to Napoleon’s plans, the conscription, so far from impeding education, would have been the means of promoting it.  He intended to have established, in each regiment, a school for the prosecution of labours of every kind, either in polite education, the liberal arts, or mere mechanics.  “And nothing would have been so easy,” he remarked.  “The principle being once adopted, we should have seen each regiment supplied with all that was necessary, out of its own ranks.  And what advantages would have accrued to the mass of society, by the dispersion of these young men, with their acquired knowledge, even had it been merely elementary, and the habits necessarily produced by it !”

The Emperor one day, in the course of conversation, observed, that if he had had leisure, there were few institutions in which he would not have made improvements.  He dwelt on the evils arising from lawsuits, which, he said, were an absolute leprosy, a social cancer.  “My code,” said he, “had singularly diminished lawsuits, by placing numerous causes within the decision of every individual.  But there still remained much for the legislator to accomplish.  Not that he could hope to prevent men from quarrelling :  that they have done in all ages ;  but he might have prevented a third party in society, from living upon the quarrels of the two others, and even stirring up disputes, to promote their own interest.  It I was, therefore, my intention to establish the rule, that lawyers should never receive fees except when they gained causes.  Thus what litigations would have been prevented !  On the first examination of a cause, a lawyer would have rejected it, had it been at all doubtful.  There would have been little fear that a man, living by his labour, would have undertaken to conduct a lawsuit, from mere motives of vanity ;  and if he had, he would himself have been the only sufferer in case of failure.  But my idea was opposed by a multitude of objections, and as I had no time to lose, I postponed the further consideration of the subject.  Yet I am still convinced,” added he, “that the scheme might, with certain modifications, have been turned to the best account.”

When speaking of the clergy, the Emperor remarked, that he intended to have rendered curates a very important and useful class of men.  “The more they are enlightened,” said he, “the less will they be inclined to abuse their ministry.”

Therefore, in addition to their theological studies, he wished them to acquire a knowledge of agriculture, and the elements of medicine and law.  “Thus,” said he, “dogmatism and controversy, the battle-horse and armour of fools and fanatics, would gradually have become more and more rare in the pulpit, from whence would have been promulgated the doctrines of pure morality, always pleasing, eloquent, and persuasive.  As men usually love to discourse on what they know, the curates would have instructed the peasantry in their agricultural labours, counselled them against chicanery, and given advice to the sick.  Such pastors would have been real blessings to their flocks ;  and, as they would have been allowed a liberal stipend, they would have enjoyed high consideration :  they would have respected themselves, and would have been respected by all.  They would have possessed the power of feudal lords, and they might, without danger, have exercised all their influence.  A curate would have been a natural justice of peace, a true moral chief, to whom the direction of the population might have been safely intrusted, because he would himself have been dependant on the Government for his appointment and salary.  If to all this be added, the study and privation necessary for the calling, and supposing the individuals to be possessed of good qualities of heart and mind, it must be confessed that pastors, thus constituted, would have produced a revolution in society, highly advantageous to the cause of morality.”

I recollect having heard the Emperor, in the Council of State, declaim against the perquisites of ministers of the Gospel, and point out the indecorum of their bartering, as he said, for sacred, and, frequently, indispensable objects.  He therefore proposed putting an end to this practice.  “By rendering the acts of religion gratuitous,” he observed, “we shall elevate their dignity, beneficence, and charity ;  and confer a great benefit on the poor.  Nothing would be easier than to substitute legal imposts for these perquisites.  Every one is born, many marry, and all die ;  and yet births, marriages, and deaths, are three great subjects of religious jobbing, which, in my opinion, are particularly objectionable, and which I would wish to abolish.  Since these are matters which concern all equally, why not place them under a special impost, or include them among the subjects of general taxation ?” This proposition came to no result.

I also recollect having heard the Emperor suggest, that all public functionaries, and men employed under Government, even officers in the army, should themselves form a fund for their future pensions, by a slight deduction from their annual salaries.  “Thus,” said he, “the future support of these individuals would no longer be an object of solicitation, or a favour ;  it would be a right.  The deductions made from their salaries would be thrown into a sinking fund, liable to this application.  It would be a certain property, which they might regard as their own, and upon which they might draw, without opposition, on retiring from the public service.”  It was urged, in objection, that there were incomes, those of military officers, in particular, that would not admit of deduction.—“Well,” replied the Emperor, “I will make up the deficiency.  I will add whatever is necessary for the deduction.” —“But,” it was asked, “what end will that answer ?  If we have to pay the same amount, where will be the economy ? where will be the advantage ?”— “The advantage,” replied the Emperor, “will be in the difference between certainty and uncertainty ;  in the settled course of the treasury, and the tranquillity of citizens, who would thus possess their guarantee.”

The Emperor warmly defended this idea, and adverted to it oftener than once ;  it however produced no result.  I have already remarked, that I have often known him to enter upon extempore discussions in this way, and even to comment on law projects after they were printed.  The following brief quotation will afford an idea of the labours and activity of the Emperor’s reign :— “It is calculated that Napoleon’s Government, in the space of fourteen years and five months, presents 61,139 deliberations of the Council of State, on different subjects !...”^[8]

I have often heard Napoleon repeat, that he wished for the establishment of an European Institution, and European prizes, to superintend and stimulate the learned societies of every country.

He would have wished to fix throughout Europe, uniformity of coins, weights, and measures, and also uniformity of legislation.  “Why,” said he, “might not my Napoleon Code have served as the groundwork for an European Code, and my Imperial University have been the basis of an European University ?  Thus the whole population of Europe would have become one and the same family ;  and every man, while he travelled abroad, would still have found himself at home.”

Various other subjects, of the above nature, were canvassed at different times ;  but I refrain from noticing them, as my memory does not enable me to enter into details.

Alarming Change in the Emperor.—The Governor surrounds us with Fortifications.—Panic Terrors of Sir Hudson Lowe.—General Lamarque.—Madame Recamier and a Prussian Prince.

15th.—About three o’clock, the Emperor, with whom I breakfasted this morning, sent for me.  He wished to take the air, and he endeavoured to walk as far as the wood ;  but the air was too keen for him.  He then called at the Grand Marshal’s, and he sat for a considerable time in an arm chair, apparently quite exhausted.  We remarked the colour of his countenance, his thinness, and his evident debility ;  and we were much distressed at the change observable in him.

As we passed through the wood, the Emperor saw the fortifications with which we are about to be surrounded ;  and he could not forbear smiling at these useless and absurd preparations.  He remarked, that the ground in our neighbourhood had been entirely disfigured, by the removal of the kind of turf with which it was covered, and which had been carried away for the purpose of raising banks.  In fact, for the last two months, the Governor has been incessantly digging ditches, constructing parapets, planting palisadoes, &c.  He has quite blockaded us in Longwood, and the stable at present presents every appearance of a redoubt.  We are at a loss to guess where will be the advantage equivalent to the expense and labour bestowed on these works, which by turns excite the ill-humour and ridicule of the soldiers and Chinese, who are employed upon them, and who now distinguish Longwood and the stable, by the names of Hudson Fort and Lowe Fort.  We are assured, that Sir Hudson Lowe often starts out of his sleep to devise new measures of security.  “Surely,” said the Emperor, “this seems something like madness.  Why cannot the man sleep tranquilly, and let us alone ?  Has he not sense enough to perceive that the security of our local situation here, is sufficient to remove all his panic terrors ?” —“Sire,” said an individual present, “he cannot forget Capri, which, with 2,000 men, thirty pieces of cannon, and batteries mounted to the clouds, was taken by 1,200 Frenchmen, commanded by the brave Lamarque, who could only reach Sir Hudson Lowe by the help of a triple escalade.”—“Well,” said the Emperor, “this only proves that our Governor is a better jailor than a general.”

For some time past, I have felt seriously alarmed respecting the health of my son.  The pains of which he formerly complained, have been succeeded by violent palpitations, attended by fainting fits ;  and he is frequently obliged to rise during the night, to relieve himself by walking about, or assuming some particular position.

Dr. O’Meara thought he evinced symptoms of aneurism, and considered him to be in a dangerous state.  I requested the chief medical officer, Dr. Baxter, to hold a consultation with Dr. O’Meara.  The result of the conference greatly relieved my anxiety ;  for my son was declared to be free from danger.

During the conversations of the day, the Emperor alluded to Madame de Staël, of whom, however, he said nothing new, except mentioning some letters which had been examined by the police, and which related to Madame Recamier and a Prussian Prince.

“ This correspondence,” said the Emperor, “presented unequivocal proofs of the influence of Madame Recamier’s charms, and the high regard which the Prince entertained for her.  The letters contained nothing less than offers or promises of marriage on his part."”

The following is an explanation of this affair.  The beautiful Madame Recamier, whose pure reputation stood unassailed during those stormy times in which few escaped censure, was residing with Madame de Staël, to whom she had heroically devoted herself, when one of the Prussian Princes, who had been made prisoner at Eylare, and who was proceeding to Italy by Napoleon’s permission, alighted at the castle of Coppet, with the intention of resting only for a few hours.  Here, however, he was detained during the whole of the summer by the charms of Madame Recamier, who was voluntarily sharing the exile of her friend.  This lady, and the young Prince, both considered themselves as the victims of Napoleon, and their common hatred of him, whom they looked upon as their oppressor, probably engendered the interest which they mutually conceived for each other.  Inspired with an ardent passion, the Prince, in spite of the difficulties which his exalted rank naturally suggested, conceived the idea of marrying Madame Recamier.  He communicated his design to Madame de Staël, whose poetic imagination prompted her to favour a scheme that was calculated to diffuse a sort of romantic interest over Coppet.  The Prince was recalled to Berlin, but absence produced no change in his sentiments.  He still ardently prosecuted his suit ;  but Madame Recamier constantly declined this unexpected elevation, either from natural generosity of feeling, or from her catholic prejudices against divorce.

To this circumstance we are indebted for the picture of Corinne, which is accounted one of the most original creations of Gerard’s pencil.  The Prince ordered the picture as a compliment to Madame Recamier.

Since I have mentioned the name of Madame de Staël, I will take this opportunity of observing that since the publication of the preceding volumes of my Journal, I have been visited by some of the most intimate friends of that celebrated woman.  These individuals have assured me, that Madame de Staël has been often represented to have employed expressions in reference to Napoleon, of which she was wholly incapable,—for example, the phrase Robespierre on horseback, which they said, they could take upon themselves conscientiously to disavow.  I have moreover been informed, that Madame de Staël was often more favourable to Napoleon in her private conversation, than in her writings, which, it must be confessed, are, in all that relates to the Emperor, embittered by a spirit of malignity and resentment.  One of her friends assured me, that he had been very much gratified on finding it mentioned in my Journal, that Napoleon at St. Helena, had compared Madame de Staël at once to Armida and Clorinda.  I Was informed, that Madame de Staël, on her part, at the time of her enthusiasm for the young General of the army of Italy, had compared him at once to Scipio and Tancred ;  because, as she said, he combined the simple virtues of the one, with the brilliant achievements of the other.

After dinner, the Emperor ordered his favourite Racine to be brought out, and he read to us some of the finest passages in Iphigenia, Mithridates, and Bajazet.  “Though Racine has produced chefs-d’oeuvre in themselves,” said he, “yet, he has diffused over them a perpetual air of insipidity.  Love is eternally introduced, with its tone of languor, and its tiresome accompaniments.  But these faults must not be attributed entirely to Racine, but to the manners of the age in which he wrote.  Love was then, at even a later period, the whole business of life with every one.  This is always the case, when society is in a state of idleness.  As for us,” said he, “our thoughts have been cruelly turned to other subjects, by the great events of the revolution.”

The Emperor likewise condemned the whole of the celebrated plan of campaign of Mithridates.  He remarked, that it might be fine as a narrative ;  but that it was absurd as a conception.

1 Among others, Baron Stassard, in whose well known fidelity Napoleon reposed such confidence, that he sent him to the Congress of Vienna, to negotiate for the maintenance of the peace of Paris.  But the Baron was unfortunately prevented from going beyond Lintz ;  the most furious and inveterate individuals in the Allied Cabinets, having adopted the precaution of securing the absolute prohibition of all Communication with Napoleon.  It was, however, indirectly intimated to Baron Stassard, that if, before the commencement of hostilities, the Emperor chose to abdicate in favour of his son, Austria would accede to that condition, provided Napoleon would surrender himself into the hands of his father-in-law, who would again guarantee to him the sovereignty of the Isle of Elba, or any analogous dominion.

2 Baron Fain, first cabinet secretary to Napoleon, has just published a volume entitled, The Manuscript of 1814.  This work presents an animated and interesting detail, of the important but imperfectly known events of the period, and in particular of the short but immortal campaign of 1814.  It is an episode of miracles, in which Napoleon throughout appears supernatural in the resources of genius, the energy of mind, the celerity of motion, the steadiness of views, and the sublimity of courage which he there evinced.  Nothing can be compared with the prodigies he performed, except indeed, the indefatigable ardour of a handful of brave men, who, as if strangers to the wants of nature, when deprived of food and rest, seemed to multiply before the enemy’s legions, were incessantly engaged and always victorious.
    Baron Fain has presented to us a record of national glory, and he is justly entitled to the gratitude of his countrymen.  In his picture of war, confusion and trouble, the characteristic traits of the mind and heart of Napoleon, frequently shine forth with lustre.  To me, who have especially devoted my attention to these latter objects, it is peculiarly gratifying, while at the same time, it must be curious to all readers to trace the correspondence between details recorded by two men, total strangers to each other, and alluding to periods and circumstances wholly distinct.

3 The Emperor departed from Fontainebleau on the 20th of April, 1814, escorted by a party of horse grenadiers.  Count Bertrand was with him in the carriage.
On the evening of the 20th, he reached Briarre.
On the 21st, he arrived at Nevers.
On the 22d, at Rouanne.
On the 23d, at Lyons.
On the 24th, at Montelimart.
On the 25th, at Orgon.
On the 26th, he slept near Luc.
On the 27th, at Frejus.
On the 28th, at eight in the evening, he embarked on board the English frigate, The Undaunted, commanded by Captain Usher.

4 A friend of mine, travelling in Germany, assures us that he received from the commander of the Russian parks, several years after the event, a confirmation of the accuracy of the assertion contained in the above proclamation.

5 It is worthy of remark, that Marshal Ney does not here take the title of Prince of the Moskowa, from delicacy to the Emperor Alexander.

6 Austrian Observer, 1817 or 1818.

7 The second livraison of the Memoirs of Napoleon, dictated to Generals Montholon and Gourgaud, now in the course of publication, contains most interesting critical notes by Napoleon, on a military work.  These notes contain remarks on the same great captains of antiquity, that have just been noticed here ;  but with the superior copiousness and force which a deliberate dictation may be expected to possess over the mere report of a current conversation.  Another very interesting portion of the volumes here alluded to, is the collection of the official documents and protocol of the negotiations of Chatillon.  We have heard of the embarrassment of Louis XIV, at the close of the war, relative to the succession, and the mortifying conferences of Gertruidenberg ;  but heavens ! what were they in comparison with the Congress of Chatillon ?  And what was the desperate state of the unfortunate French Empire, and the situation of her plenipotentiary, contending with his single efforts against all the victorious diplomacy of Europe ?—One cannot, therefore, wonder at the high consideration and esteem which the Duke of Vicenza may be said to have commanded from foreigners of all countries, and to which his elevation of character, his loyalty and sincerity, so justly entitled him.  His correspondence throughout, breathes the sentiments of the faithful subject, the devoted friend, and above all, the excellent citizen.  Without discussing the merits of his personal opinions, it is impossible to peruse his letters, without being inspired by sentiments of respect for the writer.

8 Montvérant’s Histoire Critique et Raisonnée.