Count de Las Cases
Memorial de Sainte Hélène
London, 1823
MY RESIDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.
Volume 2, Part 3
page 196 - 265
1816 May 1 – 15
Third day of the Emperor’s seclusion.—Recapitulation of his history.
May 1st.—The Emperor kept his room to-day as he had done yesterday. I felt ill from the fatigue of my ride from the Briars ; I had a slight degree of fever, accompanied by great lassitude. The Emperor sent for me about seven o’clock in the evening. I went to his chamber and found him reading Rollin, whom he accused, as usual, of being too indulgent a historian. He did not appear to have been indisposed, and even said he was very well ; but this only rendered me the more uneasy at his seclusion and his calmness of manner. He put off dinner to a later hour than usual, and detained me with him. He called for a glass of Constanctia some time before dinner ; this he generally does when he feels the want of excitation.
After dinner he looked over a few of the addresses, proclamations, or acts in Goldsmith’s imperfect collection. The perusal of some of these documents seemed to interest him ; then laying down the book, he began to walk about, and said, “ after all, let them abridge, suppress, and mutilate as much as they please, they will find it very difficult to throw me entirely into the shade. The historian of France cannot pass over the Empire, and, if he have any honesty, he will not fail to render me my share of justice. His task will be easy ; for the facts speak of themselves : they shine like the sun.
“ I closed the gulf of anarchy and cleared the chaos. I purified the Revolution, dignified Nations and established Kings. I excited every kind of emulation, rewarded every kind of merit, and extended the limits of glory ! This is at least something ! And on what point can I be assailed on which an historian could not defend me ? Can it be for my intentions ? But even here I can find absolution. Can it be for my despotism ? It may be demonstrated that the Dictatorship was absolutely necessary. Will it be said that I restrained liberty ? It can be proved that licentiousness, anarchy, and the greatest irregularities, still haunted the threshold of freedom. Shall I be accused of having been too fond of war ? It can be shown that I always received the first attack. Will it be said that I aimed at universal monarchy ? It can be proved that this was merely the result of fortuitous circumstances, and that our enemies themselves led me step by step to this determination. Lastly, shall I be blamed for my ambition ? This passion I must doubtless be allowed to have possessed, and that in no small degree ; but, at the same time, my ambition was of the highest and noblest kind that ever, perhaps, existed ! . . . . That of establishing and of consecrating the Empire of reason, and the full exercise and complete enjoyment of all the human faculties ! And here the historian will probably feel compelled to regret that such ambition should not have been fulfilled and gratified !” . . . . Then after a few moments of silent reflection ; “ this,” said the Emperor, “ is my whole history in a few words.”
Fourth day of absolute seclusion.—The Moniteur favourable to the Emperor.
2d.—The Emperor still kept his room as on the preceding days. He sent for me about nine o’clock in the evening, after I had dined. He had seen no one during the day ; I remained with him till eleven o’clock ; he was in good spirits, and appeared to be well. I assured him that the days which we passed without seeing him seemed very tedious ; and that we feared his health would suffer from close confinement, and the want of fresh air. For my own part, this seclusion caused me great uneasiness and affliction. He went to bed half an flour before he dismissed me : he said his legs refused to support him. He felt fatigued with walking, though he had only taken a few turns with me in his chamber.
He spoke a great deal of the Legion of Honour, of Goldsmith’s Collection, and of the Moniteur. Respecting the latter, he said, that it was certainly a very remarkable circumstance, and one of which few besides himself could boast, that he had made his way through the Revolution at so early an age, and with so much notoriety, without having to dread the Moniteur. “ There is not a sentence in it,” said he, “ which I could wish to obliterate. On the contrary, the Moniteur will infallibly serve me as a justification, whenever I may have occasion for it.”
Fifth day of seclusion.
3d.—The Emperor still continued within doors, and saw no one ; this was his fifth day of retirement. The different individuals of his establishment knew not how he occupied himself in his chamber. He sent for me, as it were, by stealth, and I went to him about six o’clock in the evening.
I again expressed to him the anxiety and pain we felt at seeing him thus secluded. He told me, he bore the confinement very well, but that he found the days long, and the nights still longer. He had been unoccupied during the whole day he said, he had felt himself out of humour ; and, indeed, he still continued silent and dull. He took the bath, and I attended him. He concluded the evening by conversing on subjects of great importance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sixth day of seclusion.
4th.—The Emperor still remained within doors. He had, however, expressed his intention to ride on horseback about four o’clock ; but the rain prevented him from stirring out. He received the Grand Marshal in his chamber.
He sent for me about eight o’clock to dine with him. He said, that the Governor had called on the Grand Marshal, and had remained with him above an hour. His conversation had been frequently disagreeable, and sometimes even offensive. He had spoken on a variety of topics in a tone of ill-humour and disrespect, and in a very vague and indeterminate manner ; reproaching us, particularly, as it appeared, with being very loud and unreasonable in our complaints. He maintained, that we were very well provided for, and ought to be content ; that we seemed to be strangely mistaken with regard to what was due to our persons and our situations. He added, at least so he was understood, that he was desirous of being assured every day, by ocular testimony, of the existence and presence of the Emperor.
There is no doubt that this point was the real cause of his ill-humour and agitation. Several days had passed away without his having been able to receive any report from his officer or spies, as the Emperor had not gone out, and no one had been admitted to his presence.
But what measures would he adopt ? This consideration occupied us all in our turns. The Emperor would never submit, even at the peril of his life, to a regular visit, which might be capriciously renewed at any hour of the day or night. Would the Governor employ force and violence to dispute with the Emperor a few hours repose, and a last asylum of a few feet in circumference ? His instructions must have been drawn up in anticipation of the case that had now occurred. No outrage, no want of respect, or act of barbarity, could surprise me.
As to the Governor’s remark that we entertained mistaken ideas with regard to ourselves and our situation, we are very conscious, that, instead of being at the Tuileries, we are at St. Helena, and that instead of being masters, we are captives ; how then can we be mistaken ?
On China and Russia.—Resemblance between the two great Revolutions in France and England.
5th.—About ten o’clock in the morning, the Emperor went out to ride for the first time. While he was mounting his horse, he was informed that the Resident of the East India Company in China had come to Longwood, and solicited the honour of being presented to him. He sent for him, and put some questions to him with great condescension. We then rode out to call on Madame Bertrand. The Emperor remained there above an hour ; he was weak and altered in his appearance ; his conversation was languid. We returned to Longwood. The Emperor wished to breakfast out of doors.
He sent for our host at Briars, the worthy Mr. Balcombe, and the Resident from China, who was still at Longwood. The whole time of breakfast was occupied in questions relating to China, its population, laws, customs, and trade.
The Resident stated, that a circumstance occurred a few years back between the Russians and the Chinese, which might have been attended with important results, had not Russia been entirely absorbed by the affairs of Europe.
The Russian traveller, Krusenstern, in his voyage round the world, anchored at Canton with his two vessels. He was received provisionally, and was permitted, until the orders of the Court should arrive, to dispose of the furs with which his ships were laden, and to lay in a cargo of tea in their stead. The orders from the Chinese court were delayed for more than a month, and M. de Krusenstern had set sail two days before they arrived. They directed that the two vessels should quit the port immediately ; that all trade with the Russians in that quarter was prohibited ; that enough had been conceded to their Emperor by land in the North of the Empire ; that it was monstrous in him to attempt to extend his intercourse in the South by sea ; and that strong displeasure would be manifested towards those who had shewn them that course. The order further decreed, that in the event of the ships having sailed before the arrival of the answer from Pekin, the English Factory should be charged to communicate it, through Europe, to the Emperor of Russia.
Napoleon felt very much fatigued with his short ride ; he had not left his chamber for seven days before ; this was the first time that he had re-appeared among us. We remarked an evident change in his countenance.
He sent for me about five o’clock ; the Grand Marshal was with him. The Emperor was undressed ; he had tried in vain to enjoy a little rest ; he thought he was feverish ; the sensation proceeded from extreme lassitude. The Emperor had a fire lighted, but would not have candles in his room. We passed away the time in desultory conversation in the dark till eight o’clock, when the Emperor sent us to dinner.
In the course of the day, the conversation had turned on the similarity of the two great revolutions of England and France. “ There are many points, both of resemblance and difference, between these two great events,” said the Emperor ; “ they afford inexhaustible subjects for reflection.” He then made some very curious and remarkable observations. I shall here note down his remarks on this occasion, as well as at other intervals during the day.
“ Both in France and England the storm gathered during the two feeble and indolent reigns of James I. and Louis XV., and burst over the heads of the unfortunate Charles I. and Louis XVI.
“ Both these Sovereigns fell victims : both perished on the scaffold, and their families were proscribed and banished.
“ Both monarchies became republics, and during that period, both nations plunged into every excess which can degrade the human heart and understanding. They were disgraced by scenes of madness, blood, and outrage. Every tie of humanity was broken, and every principle overturned.
“ Both in England and France, at this period, two men vigorously stemmed the torrent, and reigned with splendour. After these, the two hereditary families were restored ; but both pursued an erroneous course. They committed faults ; a fresh storm suddenly burst forth in both countries, and expelled the two restored dynasties, without their being able to offer the least resistance to the adversaries who overthrew them.
“ In this singular parallel, Napoleon appears to have been in France at once the Cromwell and the William III. of England. But as every comparison with Cromwell is in some degree odious, I must add, that if these two celebrated men coincided in one single circumstance of their lives ; it was scarce possible for two beings to differ more in every other point.
“ Cromwell appeared on the theatre of the world at the age of maturity. He attained supreme rank only by dint of address, duplicity, and hypocrisy.
“ Napoleon distinguished himself at the very dawn of manhood, and his first steps were attended by the purest glory.
“ Cromwell attained supreme power, opposed and hated by all parties, and by affixing an everlasting stain on the English revolution.
“ Napoleon, on the contrary, ascended the throne by obliterating the stains of the French revolution, and through the concurrence of all parties, who in turns sought to gain him as their chief.
“ All the glory of Cromwell was bought by English blood ; his triumphs were all so many causes of national mourning ; but Napoleon’s victories were gained over the foreign foe, and they filled the French nation with transport.
“ Finally the death of Cromwell was a source of joy to all England : the event was regarded as a public deliverance. The same cannot exactly be said of Napoleon’s fall.
“ In England the revolution was the rising of the whole nation against the King. The King had violated the laws, and usurped absolute power ; and the nation wished to resume her rights.
“ In France, the revolution was the rising of one portion of the nation against another ; that of the third estate against the nobility ; it was the re-action of the Gauls against the Franks : The King was attacked not so much in his character of monarch as in his quality of chief of the feudal system. He was not reproached with having violated the laws ; but the nation wished to emancipate and reconstitute itself.
“ In England, if Charles I. had yielded voluntarily, if he had possessed the moderate and undecided character of Louis XVI. he would have survived.
“ In France on the contrary, if Louis XVI. had openly resisted, if he had had the courage, activity, and ardour of Charles I. he would have triumphed.
“ During the whole conflict Charles I. isolated in his kingdom was surrounded only by partizans and friends, and was never connected with any constitutional branch of his subjects.
“ Louis XVI. was supported by a regular army ; by foreign aid, and two constitutional portions of the nation : the nobility and the clergy. Besides there remained to Louis XVI. a second decisive resolution which Charles I. had it not in his power to adopt, namely, that of ceasing to be a feudal Chief, in order to become a national Chief. Unfortunately he could not decide on either the one or the other.
“ Charles I. therefore perished because he resisted, and Louis XVI. because he did not resist. The one had a perfect conviction of the privileges of his prerogative ; but it is doubtful whether the other had any such conviction, any more than he felt the necessity of exercising its privileges.
“ In England, the death of Charles I. was the result of the artful and atrocious ambition of a single man.
“ In France, it was the work of the blind multitude, of a disorderly popular assembly.
“ In England, the representatives of the people evinced a slight shade of decorum, by abstaining from being the judges and actors in the murder which they decreed ; they appointed a tribunal to try the King.
“ In France, the representatives of the people presumed to be at once accusers, judges, and executioners.
“ In England, the affair was managed by an invisible hand : it assumed an appearance of reflection and calmness. In France, it was managed by the multitude, whose fury was without bounds.
“ In England, the death of the King gave birth to the Republic. In France, on the contrary, the birth of the Republic caused the death of the King.
“ In England, the political explosion was produced by the efforts of the most ardent religious fanaticism. In France, it was brought about amidst the acclamations of cynical impiety. Each according to different ages and manners.
“ The English Revolution was ushered in by the excesses of the gloomy school of Calvin. The loose doctrines of the modern school conjured up the storm in France.
“ In England, the Revolution was mingled with civil war. In France, it was attended by foreign war ; and to the efforts and opposition of foreigners the French may justly attribute their excesses. The English can advance no such excuse for theirs.
“ In England, the army proved itself capable of every act of outrage and fury ; it was the scourge of the citizens.
“ In France, on the contrary, we owed every benefit to the army. Its triumphs abroad either diminished, or caused us to forget our horrors at home. The army secured independence and glory to France.
“ In England, the restoration was the work of the English people, who hailed the event with the most lively enthusiasm. The nation escaped slavery, and seemed to have recovered freedom . . . . . It was not precisely thus in France.
“ In England, a son-in-law hurled his father-in-law from the throne. He was supported by all Europe ; and the memory of the act is revered and imperishable.
“ In France, on the contrary, the chosen sovereign of the people, who had reigned for the space of fifteen years with the assent of his subjects and foreigners, re-appeared on the theatre of the world, to seize a sceptre which he regarded as his own. Europe rose in a mass, and outlawed him. 1,100,000 men marched against him ; he surrendered ; he was thrown into captivity, and now efforts are made to tarnish the lustre of his memory !”
Explanation with Dr. O’Meara.—The Consulate.—Opinion of the Emigrants respecting the Consul.—The Emperor’s intentions with regard to emigrant property.—Concurrence of happy circumstances in the Emperor’s career.—Opinion of the Italians respecting Napoleon.—His Coronation by the Pope.—Effect of the conferences at Tilsit.—The Spanish Bourbons.—Arrival of the famous wooden palace.
6th.—The Emperor sent for me at nine o’clock. He was vexed by the conduct of the new Governor, and particularly by the intention that seemed to be entertained of violating his last humble sanctuary. He preferred death to this last outrage ; and he was resolved to run every risk in opposing it. A catastrophe seemed inevitable. The Emperor indeed concluded that there was a determination to bring it about, and that only some plausible pretence was sought for. He was resolved not to evade it. “ I am prepared for every thing,” said he, in a certain moment of confidence. “ They will kill me, it is certain. . . . .”
The Emperor sent for Dr. O’Meara, in order that he might learn his personal opinion. He desired me to express to him in English, that he had hitherto no cause of complaint against him : on the contrary, that he considered him to be an honest man, and as a proof of this he would rely implicitly on the answers he might receive to the questions he was about to put to him. It was necessary, he said, to come to an understanding. Was he to consider him as his own physician personally, or merely as a prison doctor, appointed by the English Government ? Was he his confessor or his inspector ? Had he made reports respecting him, or was it his intention so to do if called upon ? In the one case the Emperor said he would readily continue to receive his attendance, and was grateful for the services he had already received ; in the other case he thanked him and begged him to discontinue his visits.
The Doctor replied with great firmness, and in a tone of feeling. He said that his appointment was entirely professional, and had no connection with politics ; he conceived himself to be the Emperor’s personal medical attendant, and was a stranger to every other consideration ; that he had made no report respecting the Emperor, and that none had yet been demanded of him ; that he could not imagine any instance in which he might be induced to make a report, except in case of serious illness, when it might be necessary to call in the aid of other professional men.
About three o’clock the Emperor went into the garden with the intention of mounting his horse. He had been dictating for a considerable time to General Gourgaud, and had nearly got through the events of 1815. He was very well satisfied with the result of his labour.
I recommended to him next to commence the history of the Consulate ; that brilliant period in which a nation in a state of dissolution, was in a few moments magically re-composed, with respect to its laws, religion, morality, true principles and honest prejudices ; and all this amidst the universal applause and admiration of astonished Europe.
I was in England at this time. I told the Emperor that the mass of the emigrants were forcibly struck by these acts. The recal of the priests and of the emigrants were received as blessings ; and the great majority profited by them.
The Emperor asked me, whether we had not been shocked at the word amnesty ?—“ No,” I replied, “ we knew all the difficulties which the First Consul had experienced in this respect. We knew that all the advantages of the measure were due to him, that he alone was our protector, and that every evil originated with those with whom he had been obliged to contend in our favour. Subsequently,” added I, “ on our return to France, we found indeed that the Consul might have treated us better with respect to our property, and this without much difficulty, merely by assuming a silent and passive attitude. This we conceived would have sufficed in every case to have produced amicable arrangements between the old proprietors and the purchasers.”
“ Doubtless, I might have done so,” said the Emperor, “ but could I have trusted sufficiently to the emigrants ?—Answer me this question.”
“ Sire,” I replied, “ now that I have more knowledge of public affairs, and take a more comprehensive view of things, I can readily conceive that policy required you to act as you did. Recent circumstances have proved how wise was the course you pursued. It would have been bad policy thus to disinterest the nation. The question of national property is one of the first bulwarks of public spirit and of the national party.”
“ You are right,” observed the Emperor ; “ but I might nevertheless have granted all that was wished. For a moment I cherished the idea of doing so, and I committed a fault in not fulfilling this idea. I intended to form a mass or a syndicate of all the unsold property of the emigrants, and on their return, to distribute it in certain proportions among them. But when I came to grant property to individuals, I soon found that I was creating too many wealthy men, and that they repaid my favours with insolence. Those who by dint of petitioning and cringing had perhaps obtained an annual income of 50 or 100,000 crowns, no longer lifted their hats to me ; and far from evincing the least gratitude, they had the impertinence to pretend that they had paid in an underhand way for the favours they enjoyed. This was the conduct of the whole Faubourg Saint-Germain. I restored the fortunes of these people, and they still remained no less hostile and anti-national. Then, in spite of the act of amnesty, I prohibited the restitution of the unsold forests, whenever they should exceed a certain value. This was doubtless an act of injustice, according to the letter of the law ; but policy imperiously called for it : the fault was in the drawing up of the law, and the improvidence which dictated it. This re-action on my part, counteracted all the good effect of the recal of the emigrants, and robbed me of the attachment of all the great families. I might have guarded against this evil, or I might have neutralized its effects by my syndicate. For one great family alienated, I might have secured the attachment of a hundred provincial nobles, and thus I should in reality have strictly conformed with justice, which required that the emigrants who had all run the same risk, embarked their fortunes in common on board the same ship, suffered the same wreck, and incurred the same punishment, should all receive the same indemnification. Here I committed an error, said the Emperor, which was the more unpardonable, as I entertained an idea of the plan which I have just mentioned. But I stood alone, and was surrounded by opposition and difficulty. All parties were hostile to the emigrants : and meanwhile I was pressed by important affairs, time was running on, and I was compelled to direct my attention to other matters.
“ Even so late as my return from Elba,” continued the Emperor, “ I was on the point of executing a project of the same sort. If I had had time, I should have taken into consideration the care of the poor emigrants from the provinces who were neglected by the court. It is rather a singular circumstance that this idea was suggested to me by an old ex-minister of Louis XVI., whose services had been but ill requited by the Princes, and who pointed out to me various plans by which evils of the same kind might have been advantageously remedied.”
“ Sire,” observed I, “ the reasonable portion of the emigrants well knew that the few generous and liberal ideas that were cherished with respect to them, originated only with you ; they were aware that all who surrounded you wished for their destruction. They knew that the very idea of nobility was hateful to them ; and they gave you credit for not being of that opinion. Would you believe it, their self love occasionally found a certain degree of consolation in the reflection that you were one of their own class.”
The Emperor then asked me what was the opinion of the emigrants respecting his birth, the incidents of his life, &c. I replied, that we beheld him for the first time at the head of the army of Italy ; and that we were totally ignorant of all his previous history. We never could pronounce his surname Bonaparte. At this the Emperor laughed.
The turn of our conversation then led him to observe, that he had frequently reflected on the singular concurrence of secondary circumstances which had brought about his wonderful career.
1st, “ If,” said he, “ my father, who died before he attained the age of forty, had survived some time longer, he would have been appointed deputy from the Corsican nobility to the Constituent Assembly. He was much attached to the nobility and the aristocracy ; on the other hand, he was a warm partisan of generous and liberal ideas. He would, therefore, either have been entirely on the right side, or at least in the minority of the nobility. At any rate, whatever might have been my own personal opinions, I should have followed my father’s footsteps, and thus my career would have been entirely deranged and lost.
2dly, “ If I had been older at the time of the revolution, I should perhaps myself have been appointed deputy. Being of an enthusiastic disposition, I should infallibly have adopted some opinion, and ardently followed it up. But at all events I should have shut myself out from the military service, and thus again my career would have been changed.
3dly, “ Had my family been better known, more wealthy or more distinguished, my rank of nobility, even though I had followed the course of the revolution, would have annulled and proscribed me. I could never have obtained confidence ; I could never have commanded an army ; or if I had attained such a command, I could not have ventured to do all that I did. Had my family circumstances been different from what they really were, I could not, with all my success, have followed the bent of my liberal ideas with regard to the priests and nobles, and I should never have arrived at the head of the Government.
4thly, “ The number of my sisters and brothers is also a circumstance which proved of great use to me, by multiplying my connections and means of influence.
5thly, “ My marriage with Madame de Beauharnois placed me on a point of contact with a party, whose aid was necessary in my system of amalgamations, which was one of the chief principles of my government, and that by which it was especially characterized. But for my wife I should not have obtained any natural connection with this party.
6thly, “ Even my foreign origin, though in France an endeavour was made to raise an outcry against it, was not unattended by advantage. The Italians regarded me as their countryman, and this circumstance greatly facilitated my success in Italy. This success being once obtained, inquiries were set on foot respecting our family history, which had long been buried in obscurity. My family was acknowledged by the Italians to have acted a distinguished part in the events of their country. It was viewed by them as an Italian family. Thus when the question of my sister Pauline’s marriage with the Prince Borghere was agitated, there was but one voice in Rome and Tuscany, among the members of that family and their adherents : ‘ Well,’ said they, ‘ the union is among ourselves ; they are our own connections.’ ” Subsequently, when it was proposed that the Emperor should be crowned by the Pope at Paris, great obstacles were, as circumstances have since proved, thrown in the way of that important event. The Austrian party in the conclave, violently opposed the measure ; but the Italian party decided in its favour, by adding to political considerations a little consideration of national self-love. “ We are placing,” said they, “ an Italian family on the throne, to govern these barbarians : we shall thus be revenged on the Gauls.”
These remarks naturally led the Emperor to speak of the Pope, who he said was rather favourably disposed towards him. The Pope did not accuse Napoleon of having ordered his removal to France. He was very indignant at reading in certain publications, that the Emperor had treated him with disrespect. He had received at Fontainbleau every mark of consideration that he could wish. When he learned the Emperor’s return from Elba to France, he said to Lucien, in a tone expressive of his confidence and impartiality, e sbarcato, e arrivato, (he has landed, he has arrived.) He afterwards said : “ You are going to Paris ; make my peace with him. I am in Rome : no cause of difference shall rise up between us.”
“ It is certain,” said the Emperor, “ that Rome will afford a natural and favourable asylum for my family : there they may find themselves at home. Finally,” added he, smiling, “ even my name, Napoleon, which in Italy is uncommon, poetic, and sonorous, contributed its share in the great circumstances of my life.”
I mentioned to the Emperor, what I had already remarked, namely, that the great mass of the emigrants were far from being unjust to him. The sensible part of the old aristocracy disliked him, it is true, but only because he proved an obstacle to their views. They knew how to appreciate his achievements and his talents, which they admired in spite of their inclination. Even the fanatics acknowledged that he had but one fault : Why is he not legitimate ? they were frequently heard to say. Austerlitz staggered us, though it did not subdue us ; but Tilsit prostrated every thing, “ Your Majesty,” said I, “ might yourself have judged of this, and have enjoyed on your return, the unanimity of homage, acclamation, and good wishes.”
“ That is to say,” observed the Emperor smiling, “ that if, at that time, I could or would have indulged in repose and pleasure ; if I had resigned myself to indolence, if every thing had resumed its old course, you would have adored me ? But if such had been my taste and inclination, and certainly nothing was more opposite to my natural disposition, circumstances would not have permitted me to act as I pleased.”
The Emperor then adverted to the numerous difficulties by which he had been incessantly surrounded and controlled ; and, alluding to the Spanish war, he said, “ .”
The Emperor dined with us to-day ; it was long since we had enjoyed his company. After dinner he read to us Florian’s novel of Claudine, and some extracts from Paul and Virginia, a work which he says he is very fond of, on account of early recollections.
The Adamant transport has arrived. This vessel a short time ago missed the island. She formed part of a convoy, the remainder of which arrived nearly a month back. These ships brought the famous wooden palace, accounts of which have filled all the newspapers in England, and probably in Europe ; and also the articles of furniture, of which the papers have also made a great parade. The wooden palace proved to be nothing more than a number of rough planks, which no one knows how to put together at St. Helena, and which it would require several years to fit up. The splendour of the other articles was of course well suited to our situation. Ostentation, pomp, and luxury, were for Europe ; truth and wretchedness for St. Helena.
The Iliad and Homer.
7th.—The Governor came to Longwood about four o’clock, and went over the establishment without asking to see any one. His ill-humour was visibly increased, his manners had become fierce and brutal.
About five o’clock the Emperor sent for me ; the Grand Marshal had been with him for some time. When he went away, the Emperor began to talk with me upon literature ; and we reviewed almost every epic poem, ancient and modern. When conversing on the Iliad, he took up an edition of Homer, and read aloud several cantos. The Emperor greatly admired the Iliad. “ It was,” he said, “ like the Books of Moses, the token and the pledge of the age in which it was produced. Homer, in his epic poem, has proved himself a poet, an orator, an historian, a legislator, a geographer, and a theologist : He may be justly called the encyclopedist of the period in which he flourished.”
The Emperor considered Homer inimitable. Father Hardouin had ventured to question the authenticity of the Iliad, and to attribute that sacred monument of antiquity to a monk of the tenth century. This, the Emperor said, was perfect absurdity. He added, that he had never been so struck with the beauties of the Iliad as at that very moment ; and that the sensations with which it then inspired him, fully convinced him of the justice of the universal approbation bestowed on it. One thing which particularly struck him, he observed, was the combination of rudeness of manners with refinement of ideas. Heroes, were described killing animals for their food, cooking their meat with their own hands, and yet delivering speeches distinguished for singular eloquence, and denoting a high degree of civilization.
The Emperor desired me to stay and dine with him. “ Though,” said he, “ you would probably fare better at the table of the household ; you will be starved with me.” “ Sire,” I replied, “ I know you are but ill provided ; but I prefer privation shared with you to luxury enjoyed elsewhere.”
During the day, the Emperor was ill with the headache, of which some individuals of his suite also complained. I regretted that he was unable to go out, for the weather was very fine. After dinner, the Emperor summoned the whole of his suite into his own chamber, and we remained with him until ten o’clock.
8th.—About five o’clock the Emperor took an airing in the calash. On his return he was visited by several English gentlemen, of whom, according to custom, he asked a multitude of questions. These gentlemen had arrived by the Cornwall : they were proceeding to China and were expected again to touch at St. Helena on their passage back to Europe.
After dinner one of the suite remarked to the Emperor that his feelings had been painfully excited in the morning when writing out a fair copy of his dictation on the battle of Waterloo, to find that the result had depended, as it were, on a hair-breadth. The Emperor made no reply, but turning to Emanuel said, in a tone expressing deep emotion : “ My Son (which was his usual mode of addressing him) go and get Iphigenia in Aulis, it will be a more pleasing subject.” He then read to us that beautiful drama, which he admires exceedingly.
Characteristic remarks made by the Emperor.
9.—I went to dine at Briars with my son and General Gourgaud ; and we staid to a little ball. I met the Admiral there, and I never found him in a more agreeable humour. This was the first time I had seen him since the adventure of Noverraz ; I was aware how much the circumstance had wounded him. He was on the point of departing for Europe, and I knew the Emperor’s sentiments. I was twenty times almost tempted freely to enter upon the subject, and thus to be the means of reconciling him with Napoleon. Truth, justice, and our own interest, demanded this ; but I was deterred by considerations that were doubtless trivial. How often have I blamed myself since ! . . . . But I had not received this delicate mission, and I could not venture to take it upon myself. The Admiral might have given publicity to the affair, and perhaps have represented it in a way that would have highly displeased the Emperor, and possibly have exposed him to fresh vexations. On this subject I will note down the following remarks which were made by the Emperor, and which characterize him too well to be omitted.
He was one day describing to me evils attendant on weakness and credulity in a sovereign ; the intrigues which they engender in the interior of the palace ; and the fickleness which they create. He demonstrated very clearly that a sovereign distinguished for these qualities must inevitably become the dupe of courtiers and the victim of calumny. “ Of this I will give you a proof,” said he, “ You yourself who have sacrificed every thing to follow me ; you who have evinced such noble and affecting devotedness, how do you think your conduct is viewed ? . . . . How do you imagine your character is estimated ? . . . You are regarded merely as one of the old nobility, an emigrant, an agent of the Bourbons, maintaining correspondence with the English. It is said that you concurred in betraying me over to them, and that you followed me hither only to be a spy upon me and to sell me to my enemies. The aversion and animosity which you evince towards the Governor, are affirmed to be only false appearances agreed upon between you for the purpose of disguising your treachery.” When I smiled at the lively turn of his fancy, and the volubility with which he expressed himself : “ You may laugh,” resumed he ; “ but I assure you I am not inventing, I am merely echoing the reports that have reached my ears . . . . . And can you imagine,” continued he, “ that a silly, feeble, and credulous being, would not be influenced by such stories and contrivances ? My dear Las Cases, if I had not been superior to the majority of legitimates, I might already have been deprived of your services here, and your upright heart would perhaps have been doomed to suffer the cruel stings of ingratitude.” He concluded by saying: “ how wretched is the lot of man ! He is the same every where : on the summit of a rock or within the walls of a palace ! Man is always man ! . . .”
Remarks on Hoche and various other Generals.
10th.—The weather was very bad, and the Emperor finding it impossible to go out, walked up and down in the dining-room. He afterwards ordered a fire to be kindled in the drawing-room, and sat down to play at chess with the Grand Marshal. After dinner he read to us the history of Joseph from the Bible, and the Andromache of Racine.
The Bengal fleet arrived yesterday evening. The Countess of Loudon and Moira, the wife of the Governor-general of India, was among the passengers.
To-day, in the course of conversation, the name of Hoche having been mentioned, some one observed, that at a very early age he had inspired great hope. “ And what is still better,” said the Emperor, “ you may add that he fulfilled that hope.” Hoche and Napoleon had seen each other, and had conversed twice or thrice together. Hoche esteemed him even to admiration. Napoleon did not hesitate to say, that he possessed over Hoche the advantages of extensive information and the principles of a good education. There was, he said, in other respects a great difference between them. “ Hoche,” said he, “ endeavoured to raise a party for himself, and gained only servile adherents. For my part, I had created for myself an immense number of partisans, without in any way seeking popularity. Hoche possessed a hostile provoking kind of ambition ; he was the sort of man who could conceive the idea of coming from Strasburg, with 25,000 men, to seize the reins of government by force. But my policy was always of a patient kind, led on by the spirit of the age, and the circumstances of the moment.”
The Emperor added, that Hoche would ultimately either have yielded to him, or must have subdued him, and as he was fond of money and pleasure, he doubted not that he would have yielded to him. Moreau, observed he, in similar circumstances, knew not how to decide. Thus Napoleon attached but little importance to him, and regarded him as totally wanting in ability ; without however extending this opinion to his military talent. “ But he was a weak man” said the Emperor, “ guided by those who surrounded him, and slavishly subject to the control of his wife : he was a general of the old monarchy.
“ Hoche,” continued the Emperor, “ died suddenly and under singular circumstances ; and as there existed a party who seemed to think that all crimes belonged to me of right, endeavours were made to circulate a report that I had poisoned him. There was a time when no mischief could happen, that was not imputed to me ; thus when in Paris, I caused Kleber to be assassinated in Egypt ; I blew out Desaix’s brains at Marengo ; I strangled and cut the throats of persons who were confined in prisons ; I seized the Pope by the hair of his head ; and a hundred similar absurdities were affirmed. However, as I paid not the least attention to all this, the fashion passed away, and I do not see that my successors have been very eager to revive it ; and yet if any of the crimes imputed to me had had any real existence, the documents, the perpetrators, the accomplices, &c. might have been brought forward.
“ However, such is the influence of report, that these stories, however absurd, were credited by the vulgar, and are perhaps still believed by a numerous portion of individuals. Happily the statements of the historian, who reasons, are divested of this pernicious effect.”
Then returning to the former topic of conversation, he said, “ What a number of great Generals arose suddenly during the revolution : Pichegru, Kleber, Massena, Marceau, Desaix, Hoche, &c. and almost all were originally private soldiers. But here the efforts of nature seem to have been exhausted ; for she has produced nothing since, or at least nothing so great. At that period every thing was submitted to competition among 30,000,000 of men, and nature necessarily asserted her rights ; while, subsequently, we were again confined within the narrower limits of order and the forms of society. I was even accused of having surrounded myself, in military and civil posts, with men of inferior ability, the better to display my own superiority. But now, when the competition will not certainly be renewed, it remains for those who are in power to make a better selection. We shall see what they will do.
“ Another circumstance no less remarkable, was the extreme youth of some of these Generals, who seemed to have started ready made from the hands of nature. Their characters were perfectly suited to the circumstances in which they were placed, with the exception of Hoche, whose morals were by no means pure. The others had no object in view save glory and patriotism, which formed their whole circle of rotation. They were men after the antique model.
“ Desaix was surnamed by the Arabs the Just Sultan ; at the funeral of Marceau, the Austrians observed an armistice, on account of the respect they entertained for him ; and young Duphot was the emblem of perfect virtue.
“ But the same commendations cannot be bestowed on those who were farther advanced in life ; for they belonged in some measure to the era that had just passed away. Massena, Augereau, Brune, and many others, were merely intrepid depredators. Massena was, moreover, distinguished for the most sordid avarice. It was asserted, that I played him a trick which might have proved a hanging matter ; that being one day indignant at his depradations, I drew on his banker for 2 or 3,000,000. Great embarrassment ensued ; for my name was not without its due weight. The banker wrote to intimate that he could not pay the sum without the authority of Massena. On the other hand, he was urged to pay it without hesitation, as Massena, if he were wronged, could appeal to the courts of law for justice. Massena however resorted to no legal steps, and consoled himself as well as he could for the payment of the money.
“ O . . . . . ., Murat, and Ney, were common place kind of Generals, having no recommendation save personal courage.
“ Moncey was an honest man ; Macdonald was distinguished for firm loyalty ; I was deceived with respect to the character of B ......
“ S .... also had his faults as well as his merits. The whole of his campaign of the south of France was admirably conducted. It will scarcely be credited that this man, whose deportment and manners denoted a lofty character, was the slave of his wife. When I learned at Dresden our defeat at Vittoria, and the loss of all Spain through the mismanagement of poor Joseph, whose plans and measures were not suited to the present age, and seemed rather to belong to a Soubise than to me, I looked about for some one capable of repairing these disasters, and I cast my eyes on S .... who was near me. He said he was ready to undertake what I wished ; but entreated that I would speak to his wife, by whom, he said, he expected to be reproached. I desired him to send her to me. She assumed an air of hostility, and decidedly told me that her husband should certainly not return to Spain ; that he had already performed important services, and was now entitled to a little repose. ‘ Madam,’ said I to her, ‘ I did not send for you with the view of enduring your scolding. I am not your husband ; and if I were I should not be the more inclined to bear with you.’ These few words confounded her ; she became as pliant as a glove, turned quite obsequious, and was only eager to obtain a few conditions. To these, however, I by no means acceded, and merely contented myself with congratulating her on her willingness to listen to reason. In critical circumstances, Madam, said I, it is a wife’s duty to endeavour to smooth difficulties ; go home to your husband, and do not torment him by your opposition.”
Ridiculous Invitation sent by Sir Hudson Lowe.
11th.—At four o’clock I attended the Emperor. The Grand Marshal entered the room, and gave him a note. The Emperor, after glancing it over, returned it, shrugging up his shoulders and saying : “ This is too absurd ! There is no answer ; give it to Las Cases.”
Will it be credited ? This was a note from the Governor to the Grand Marshal, inviting General Bonaparte to dine at Plantation House to meet Lady Loudon, the wife of Lord Moira. I blushed at the indecorum. Could any thing be more ridiculous. Sir Hudson Lowe doubtless thought the thing perfectly natural ; and yet he had resided for a long time at the head-quarters of armies on the Continent ; and took part in the diplomatic transactions of the time ! ! . .
Mr. Skelton, the Deputy-Governor of the island, who was about to depart for Europe, came accompanied by his wife, to take leave of the Emperor. They staid to dine at Longwood.
This worthy family, whom, contrary to our inclination, we had removed from Longwood, whose prospects we had overthrown by the suppression of the post of Deputy-Governor on our arrival—this excellent family, to whom we had been the occasion of real personal injury, is, however, the only one in the island from whom we have experienced invariable respect and politeness. We therefore bade them farewell with sincere wishes for their welfare. We shall always remember them with sentiments of the deepest interest.
Napoleon at the Institute.—At the Council of State.—The Civil Code.—Message to Lord St. Vincent.—On the interior of Africa.—The Marine Department.—Decrès.
The Emperor while walking in the garden and discoursing on various subjects, spoke of the Institute, the manner in which it was composed, the spirit of its members, &c. When he took his place in the Institute on his return from the army of Italy, he said he might consider himself as the tenth member in his class, which consisted of about fifty.
Lagrange, Laplace, and Monge, were at the head of this class. It was rather a remarkable circumstance and one which attracted considerable notice at the time, to see the young General of the army of Italy take his place in the Institute, and publicly discuss profound metaphysical subjects with his colleagues. He was then called the Geometrician of battles, and the Mechanician of victory.
On becoming first Consul, Napoleon caused no less sensation in the Council of State. He constantly presided at the sittings for drawing up the civil code. “ Tronchet,” he said, “ was the soul of this code, and he, Napoleon, was its demonstrator.” Tronchet was gifted with a singularly profound and correct understanding ; but he could not descend to developments. He spoke badly and could not defend what he proposed. “ The whole Council,” said the Emperor, “ at first opposed his suggestions ;” but Napoleon, with his shrewdness and facility of seizing and creating luminous and new relations, arose, and without any other knowledge of the subject than the correct basis furnished by Tronchet, developed his ideas, set aside objections, and brought every one over to his opinions.
The Minutes of the Council of State have transmitted to us the extempore speeches of the First Consul on most of the articles of the civil code. At every line we are struck with the correctness of his observations, the depth of his views, and in particular the liberality of his sentiments.
Thus in spite of the opposition that was set up to it, we are indebted to him for that article of the Code, which enacts that every individual born in France is a Frenchman. “ I should like to know,” said he, “what inconvenience can possibly arise from acknowledging every man born in France to be a Frenchman ? The extension of the French civil laws can only be attended by advantageous consequences ; thus instead of ordaining that individuals born in France of a foreign father, shall obtain civil privileges only when they declare themselves willing to enjoy them, it may be decreed that they will be deprived of those privileges only when they formally renounce them.
“ If individuals born in France of a foreign father were not to be considered as enjoying the full privileges of Frenchmen, we cannot subject to the conscription and other public duties, the sons of those foreigners who have married in France through the events of the war.
“ I am of opinion that the question should be considered only with reference to the interests of France. Though individuals born in France possess no property, they are at least animated by French spirit, and they follow French Customs. They cherish that attachment which every one naturally feels for the country that gave him birth ; finally, they help to maintain the public burthens.”
The First Consul distinguished himself no less by his support of the article which preserves the privileges of Frenchmen to children born of Frenchmen settled in foreign countries, and this law he extended in spite of powerful opposition. “ The French people,” said he, “ who are a numerous and industrious people, are scattered over every part of the world ; and in course of time they will be scattered about in still greater numbers. But the French visit foreign countries only to make their fortunes. The acts by which they seem momentarily to attach themselves to foreign governments, have, for their object, only to obtain the protection necessary for their various speculations. If they should intend to return to France after realizing a fortune, would it be proper to exclude them ?
“ If it should happen that a country in the possession of France were to be invaded by the enemy, and afterwards ceded to him by a treaty, would it be just to say to those of the inhabitants who might come to settle on the territory of the republic, that they had forfeited their rights as Frenchmen, for not having quitted their former country at the moment it was ceded ; and because they had sworn temporary allegiance to a new Sovereign, in order to gain time to dispose of their property and transfer their wealth to France ? ”
In another debate on the decease of soldiers, some difficulties having arisen relative to those who might die in a foreign country, the First Consul exclaimed with vivacity ;—“ the soldier is never abroad when he is under the national banner. The spot where the standard of France is unfurled becomes French ground ! ”
On the subject of divorce, the First Consul was for the adoption of the principle, and spoke at great length on the ground of incompatiblity, which it was attempted to repel.
“ It is pretended,” said he, “ that divorce is contrary to the interests of women and children, and to the spirit of families ; but nothing is more at variance with the interests of married persons, when their humours are incompatible, than to reduce them to the alternative of either living together, or of separating with publicity. Nothing is more opposite to domestic happiness than a divided family. Separation had formerly, with regard to the wife, the husband, and the children, nearly the same effect as divorce, and yet it was not so frequent as divorce now is. It was only attended with this additional inconvenience, that a woman of bad character might continue to dishonour her husband’s name because she was permitted to retain it.”
When opposing the drawing up of an article to specify the causes for which divorce would be admissible, he said ; “ But is it not a great misfortune to be compelled to expose these causes, and reveal even the most minute and private family details ?
“ Besides, will these causes, even in the event of their real existence, be always sufficient to obtain divorce ? That of adultery, for instance, can only be successfully maintained by proofs, which it is always very difficult, and sometimes even impossible to produce. Yet the husband, who should not be able to bring forward these proofs, would be compelled to live with a woman he abhors and despises, and who introduces illegitimate children into his family. His only resource would be separation from bed and board ; but this would not shield his name from dishonour.”
Resuming the support of the principle of divorce, and opposing certain restrictions, he continued ; “ Marriage is not always, as is supposed, the result of affection. A young female consents to marry for the sake of conforming to the fashion, and obtaining independence and an establishment of her own. She accepts a husband of a disproportionate age, and whose tastes and habits do not accord with hers. The law then should provide for her a resource against the moment when, the illusion having ceased, she finds that she is united in ill-assorted bonds, and that her expectations have been deceived.
“ Marriage takes its form from the manners, customs, and religion, of every people. Thus its forms are not everywhere alike. In some countries, wives and concubines live under the same roof ; and slaves are treated like children : the organization of families is therefore not deduced from the law of nature. The marriages of the Romans were not like those of the French.
“ The precautions established by law for preventing persons from contracting unthinkingly at the age of fifteen or eighteen an engagement which extends to the whole of their lives, are certainly wise. But are they sufficient ?
“ That after ten years past in wedlock, divorce should not be admitted but for very weighty reasons, is also a proper regulation. Since, however, marriages contracted in early youth are rarely the choice of the parties themselves, but are brought about by their families for interested views, it is proper that, if the parties themselves perceive that they are not formed for one another, they should be enabled to dissolve a union on which they had no opportunity of reflecting. The facility thus afforded them, however, should not tend to favour either levity or passion. It should be surrounded by every precaution, and every form calculated to prevent its abuse. The parties, for example, might be heard by a secret family council, held under the presidency of the magistrate. In addition to this, it might, if thought necessary, be determined that a woman should only once be allowed to procure divorce, and that she should not be suffered to re-marry in less than five years after, lest the idea of a second marriage should induce her to dissolve the first. That after married persons have lived together for ten years, the dissolution should be rendered very difficult, &c.
“ To grant divorce only on account of adultery publicly proved, is to proscribe it completely ; for, on the one hand, few cases of adultery can be proved, and, on the other, there are few men shameless enough to expose the infamy of their wives. Besides, it would be scandalous, and contrary to the honour of the nation, to reveal the scenes that pass in some families ; it might be concluded, though erroneously, that they afford a picture of our French manners.”
The first lawyers of the council were of opinion that civil death should carry along with it the dissolution of the civil contract of marriage. The question was warmly discussed. The First Consul, with great animation, opposed it in these terms, “ A woman is then to be forbidden, though fully convinced of her husband’s innocence, to follow, in exile, the man to whom she is most tenderly united ; or, if she should yield to her conviction, and to her duty, she is to be regarded only as a concubine ! Why deprive an unfortunate married couple of the right of living together under the honourable title of lawful husband and wife ?
“ If the law permit a woman to follow her husband, without allowing her the title of wife, it permits adultery.
“ Society is sufficiently avenged by the sentence of condemnation, when the criminal is deprived of his property, and torn from his friends and his connections. Is there any need to extend the punishment to the wife, and violently to dissolve a union which identifies her existence with that of her husband ? Would she not say ;—you had better have taken his life, I should then have been permitted at least to cherish his memory ; but you ordain that he shall live, and you will not allow me to console him in his misery. Alas ! how many men have been led into guilt only through their attachment, for their wives ! Those therefore who have caused their misfortunes should at least be permitted to share them. If a woman fulfil this duty, you esteem her virtue, and yet you are allowing her no greater indulgence than would be extended to the infamous wretch who prostitutes herself !” Volumes might be filled with quotations of this sort.
In 1815, after the restoration, as I was conversing with M. Bertrand de Molleville, formerly Minister of the Marine under Louis XVI. a man of great abilities, and who has distinguished himself in more ways than one, he said ;—“ Your Bonaparte, your Napoleon, was a very extraordinary man, it must be confessed. How little did we know him on the other side of the water ! We could not but yield to the conviction of his victories, and his invasions, it is true ; but Genseric, Attila, and Alaric, were as victorious as he. Thus he produced on me an impression of terror rather than of admiration. But since I have been here, I have taken the trouble to look over the debates on the civil code, and I have ever since been imbued with profound veneration for him. But where in the world did he collect all his knowledge ? . . . I discover something new every day. Ah ! Sir, what a man you had at the head of your government. Really, he was nothing short of a prodigy ! . . . . .”
About 5 o’clock the Emperor received Captain Bowen, of the Salcette frigate, which is to sail tomorrow. He behaved very condescendingly to him. In the course of conversation the name of Lord St. Vincent, who the Captain said was his patron, happened to be mentioned, on which the Emperor remarked ; “ you will see him on your return to England, and I commission you to present my compliments to him, as to a good sailor, a brave and worthy veteran.”
About 7 o’clock the Emperor took a bath. He sent for me, and we conversed for a long time, first on the events of the day, then on literary subjects, and lastly on geography. He expressed his astonishment that we possessed no certain knowledge of the interior of Africa. I told him that I had entertained the idea, some years ago, of presenting to his Minister of Marine, a plan of a journey into the interior of Africa ; not a secret and adventurous excursion, but a regular military expedition, in every respect worthy of the age and of the Emperor. The Minister laughed in my face when I first conversed with him on the subject, and looked upon the idea as an absurdity. My plan was to have entered Africa at once on the north, south, east, and west, and to have formed a junction in the centre ; or if starting only from the east and west, I proposed that, the two divisions of the expedition should meet in the centre, separate again and proceed, one to the north, the other to the south. I thought it probable that, after obtaining from the Court of Portugal all the information that could be procured ; it would be found that there already existed a communication from east to west, or that at all events very little was wanting to effect it. The state of public feeling at the time, our enthusiasm, our enterprizes, our prodigies, would have rendered it easy to procure 5 or 600 good soldiers, with the requisite number of surgeons, physicians, botanists, chymists, astronomers, and naturalists, all willing to embark in the enterprize, and we should undoubtedly have accomplished something worthy of the age.
The necessary supply of beasts of burthen, small leathern boats for crossing rivers, skins for conveying water through the deserts, and light manageable field-pieces, would have rendered the execution of the enterprize easy and complete.
“ There is no doubt,” said the Emperor, “ but your idea would have pleased me. I should have taken it up, submitted it to the consideration of a committee, and brought it to a result.”
He said he very much regretted his not having had time during his stay in Egypt, to accomplish something of this sort. He possessed troops calculated in every respect to brave the dangers of the desert. He had received presents from the Queen of Darfour, and had sent her some in return. Had he remained longer, he intended to have carried to a great extent our geographical investigations in the northern district of Africa, and that too by the simplest means, merely by placing in each caravan some intelligent officers, for whom he would have procured hostages.
The conversation then turned on the marine department, under the Imperial regime. The Emperor entered very deeply into the subject. He could not say that he was satisfied with Decrés ; and he even thought that the confidence he reposed in him, was not altogether irreproachable. The difficulty of finding persons better qualified maintained him in his post ; for, after all, the Emperor said Decrés was the best he could find. Ganteaume was merely a sailor, and was destitute of every other talent. Cafarelli, he said, had forfeited his good opinion, because he had been informed that his wife intrigued in political affairs, which he regarded as an unpardonable offence. Missiessi was not a man to be depended on ; for his family had been one of those who surrendered up Toulon. The Emperor had, for a moment, cast his eye on Emériau ; but on consideration he did not thick he possessed adequate capabilities. He had asked himself whether T . . . . . . might not have filled the post ; but he decided that he was not qualified for it. He was a good man of business, it is true ; but he had plunged very deeply into the affairs of the revolution ; and what had confirmed the Emperor in his disapproval of him was, that he had subsequently seen some of his private letters, by which it was evident that he still adhered to his old jacobinical sentiments.
“ I had,” observed the Emperor, “ rendered the duties of all my ministerial posts so easy, that almost any one was capable of discharging them, if he possessed only fidelity, zeal, and activity. I must however except the office of minister of foreign affairs, in which it was frequently necessary to exercise a ready talent for persuasion. In fact,” continued he, “ in the marine department but little was required, and Decrès was perhaps, after all, the best man I could have found. He possessed authority ; and he discharged the business of his office scrupulously and honestly. He was endowed with a good share of understanding, but this was evinced only in his conversation and private conduct. He never conceived any plan of his own, and was incapable of executing the ideas of others on a grand scale ; he could walk, but he could never be made to run. He ought to have passed one half of his time in the sea-ports, or on board the exercising squadrons. He would have lost none of my favour by so doing. But as a courtier he was afraid to quit his portfolio. This shews how little he knew me. He would not have been the less protected by removing from my Court : his absence would have been a powerful circumstance in his favour.”
The Emperor said he very much regretted Latouche-Tréville, whom he regarded as a man of real talent. He was of opinion, that that Admiral would have given a different impulse to affairs. The attack on India, and the invasion of England, would by him have been at least attempted, and perhaps accomplished.
The Emperor blamed himself for having employed the pinnaces at Boulogne. He said it would have been better had he employed actual ships at Cherbourg. He was of opinion, that had Villeneuve manifested more vigour at Cape Finistère, the attack might have been rendered practicable. “ I had made arrangements for the arrival of Villeneuve, with considerable art and calculation, and in defiance of the opinions and the routine of the naval officers by whom I was surrounded. Every thing happened as I had foreseen ; when the inactivity of Villeneuve ruined all. But,” added the Emperor, “ Heaven knows what instructions he might have received from Decrès, or what letters might have been privately written to him which never came to my knowledge ; for though I was very powerful, and was fond of searching into every thing, yet I am convinced that I was far from knowing all that was passing around me.
“ The Grand Marshal said the other day, that it used to be remarked in the saloon of the household, that I was never accessible to any one after I had an audience with the Minister of the Marine. The reason was, because he never had any but bad news to communicate to me. For my part I gave up every thing after the disaster of Trafalgar ; I could not be every where, and I had enough to occupy my attention with the armies of the continent.
“ As for the army, when abandoned to itself and placed under the command of a clever and confidential chief, it would have renewed the prodigies that were familiar to us, and Europe would have beheld the conquest of India as she had already seen the conquest of Egypt.”
I knew Decrès well ; we had both commenced our career together in the marine. I think he entertained for me all the friendship of which he was susceptible, and I, on my part, was tenderly attached to him. It was an unfortunate passion, as I used to say when I was rallied on the subject, which was frequently the case ; for Decrès was very much disliked, and I have often thought that, from some motive or other, he took pleasure in his own unpopularity. At St. Helena, as elsewhere, I found myself almost his only defender. I saw a great deal of him while the Emperor was at the Island of Elba, and he was occasionally favourable to Napoleon. We conversed candidly on the subject, and I have every reason to believe that he observed full and entire confidence with respect to me.
“ No sooner had your Majesty returned to the Tuileries,” said I to the Emperor, “ than Decrès and I ran to embrace each other, exclaiming, ‘ He has returned ! we have him again !’ His eyes were suffused with tears ; I must bear this testimony to his feelings. ‘ Well,’ said he to me, in the presence of his wife, ‘ I am now convinced that I have often done you wrong, and I owe you reparation ; but your old habits and connexions so naturally brought you in contact with those who are now about to quit us, that I doubted not but you would sooner or later be perfectly reconciled with them, though you were perhaps often offended at the expression of my real sentiments.’ ”—“ And did you believe this, you simpleton ?” exclaimed the Emperor, bursting into a fit of laughter. “ This was an excellent piece of courtier-like art ; a touch for La Bruyère. It was really a good idea on the part of Decrès ; for if, during my absence, any thing offensive to me had chanced to escape him, he would you see, by this means, have atoned for it once for all.”—“ Well, Sire,” continued I, “ what I have just told you is perhaps only amusing ; but what I will now communicate is of a more important nature :—During the crisis of 1814, before the taking of Paris, Decrès was sounded in a very artful way as to his inclination to conspire against your Majesty, and he honestly repelled the suggestion, Decrès was easily and often roused to discontent ; and he possessed a certain air of authority in his language and manners, which rendered him a useful acquisition to any party he might espouse. He happened, at the unhappy period I have just mentioned, to visit a person of celebrity ; the hero of the machinations of the day. The latter advanced to Decrès, and drawing him aside to the fire-place, took up a book, saying ;—‘ I have just now been reading something that struck me forcibly,—you shall hear it. Montesquieu, in such and such a chapter and page, says ;—When the Prince rises above the laws, when tyranny becomes insupportable, the oppressed have no alternative but . . . . .’—‘ Enough,’ exclaimed Decrès, putting his hand before the mouth of the reader ; ‘ I will hear no more ; close the book.’ And the other coolly laid down the volume, as though nothing particular had occurred, and began to talk on a totally different subject.”
On another occasion, a certain Marshal, after his fatal defection, alarmed at the ill impression which his conduct was calculated to produce on the public mind, and vainly seeking the approbation and support of those who surrounded him, endeavoured to interest Decrès in his favour. “ I have always borne in mind,” said he to Decrès, “ one of our conversations in which you so energetically painted the evils and perplexities that weighed upon the country. The force of your arguments greatly influenced me in the step which I took with the view of alleviating our misfortunes.”—“ Yes, my dear fellow,” replied Decrès ; “ but did it not also occur to you that you overshot your mark ? ”
“ In order that these anecdotes may be appreciated as they deserve,” said I to the Emperor, “ I must inform your Majesty that they were related to me by Decrès himself during your absence, and when he certainly entertained no idea of your return.”
The Emperor maintained the conversation for nearly two hours in the bath. He did not dine till nine o’clock, and he desired me to stay with him. We discoursed about the military school at Paris. I left the school only a year before Napoleon entered it, and therefore the same officers, tutors, and comrades were common to us both. He took particular pleasure in reverting with me to this period of our youth ; in reviving the recollection of our occupations, our boyish tricks, our games, &c.
In this cheerfulness of humour, he called for a glass of Champaign, which was rather an unusual thing ; for such is his habitual abstinence, that a single glass of wine is sufficient to flush his face, and to render him very talkative. It is well known that he seldom sits longer than a quarter of an hour or half an hour at table ; but to-day we had sat upwards of two hours. He was very much surprised when Marchand informed him it was eleven o’clock. “ How rapidly the time has slipped away,” said he, with an expression of satisfaction. “ Why can I not always pass my hours thus agreeably ! My dear Las Cases,” said he, as he dismissed me, “ you leave me happy ! ”
Dangerous illness of my Son.—Remarkable observations.—The Dictionary of Weathercocks.—Bertholet.
13th.—Dr. Warden and two other medical gentlemen, came to hold a consultation on my son, whose indisposition alarmed me.
The Emperor, at my request, consented to receive Dr. Warden, our old acquaintance of the Northumberland. He conversed for upwards of two hours, familiarly taking a review of those acts of his government which had drawn upon him the greatest share of enmity, falsehood, and calumny. As the Doctor afterwards observed to me, nothing could be more correct, clear, curious and satisfactory, than these details.
The Emperor concluded with the following remarkable observations : “ I concern myself but little about the libels that have been written against ine. My acts, and the events of my reign, refute them more completely than the most skilful arguments that could be employed. I seated myself on an empty throne. I arrived at supreme power, unsullied by the crimes that have usually disgraced the chiefs of dynasties. Let history be consulted, let me be compared with others ! If I have to fear the reproaches of posterity and history, it is not for having been too wicked, but perhaps for having been too good.”
After dinner the Emperor looked at the Dictionnaire des Girouettes, (Dictionary of Weathercocks) which is humourously conceived though not so well executed. It is an alphabetic collection of the living characters who have figured on the scene of public events since the Revolution, and whose language opinions and conduct have followed the variation of the wind. Weathercocks are affixed to their names, with an abstract of the speeches or a description of the acts which have procured for them the distinction. On opening the work, the Emperor inquired whether any of us were mentioned in it. “ No Sire,” some one present jokingly replied, “ none save your Majesty.” The name of Napoleon was indeed recorded in the work, because, as it was affirmed, he had first sanctioned the republic and then assumed the prerogative of royalty.
The Emperor read to us several articles from the dictionary. The contrast exhibited at different times in the language and conduct of certain individuals, was truly curious ; and the transition was in some instances performed with so much coolness and effrontery that the Emperor several times suspended his reading and burst into a hearty fit of laughter. However, after going through a few pages, he closed the book with an expression of disgust and regret, observing, that after all, the publication was a disgrace to society, a code of turpitude, and a record of our dishonour. One article seemed to affect him deeply, namely, that on Bertholet, whom he had so loaded with favour, and on whom, he said, he had every reason to rely.
The following charming trait in the Emperor’s character may be mentioned here, though it is pretty generally known. Bertholet had sustained losses which involved him in difficulties, when the circumstance having come to the Emperor’s knowledge, he sent him 100,000 crowns, adding, that he had reason to complain of him, since he seemed to have forgotten that he, Napoleon, was always ready to serve his friends. Bertholet, however, behaved very ungratefully to the Emperor, at the period of his disasters. His conduct deeply affected Napoleon at the time, and he was often heard to exclaim :—“ What Bertholet . . . . on whom I thought I could rely with such confidence !. . . .”
On the Emperor’s return from Elba, Bertholet seemed again inclined to manifest his former sentiments of attachment to his benefactor. He ventured to show himself at the Tuileries, and desired Monge to inform the Emperor, that if he did not obtain a sight of him, he would put a period to his existence the moment he left the palace. The Emperor could not refuse his request, and saluted him with a smile as he passed by.
During his reign the Emperor had conferred repeated favours on several great manufacturers, among others on Oberkamp, Richard Lenoir, &c. He wished to look for their names in the Dictionary, but every voice was raised to bear witness to their good conduct.
Reception of the passengers of the Bengal Fleet.
14th.—About four o’clock a great number of visitors came to Longwood. They were passengers who had arrived by the East India fleet, and the Emperor had signified his willingness to receive them. The party consisted of Mr. Strange, the brother-in-law of Lord Melville, First Lord of the English Admiralty ; a Mr. Arburthnot ; and Sir William Burroughs, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Calcutta ; two of Lord Moira’s Aides-de-camp’s ; and some others, together with several ladies. We were all conversing together in the anti-chamber, when the Emperor left his own room to proceed to the garden. This circumstance excited the curiosity of our visitors, who eagerly flew to the windows to see him pass by :—the scene reminded us of Plymouth. The Grand Marshal conducted our visitors to the presence of the Emperor, who received them with the most perfect grace, and with that captivating smile which has exercised such irresistible power. Curiosity and lively emotion were painted in the countenances of all.
The Emperor conversed with each individual, and according to custom, instantly seized any circumstance that happened to be connected with their names, as he heard them announced. He discoursed with the Supreme Judge on legislation and the administration of justice ; with the Company’s Officers, on trade and the internal government of India. He questioned the military gentlemen as to how many years they had served, and how many wounds they had received ; he paid many flattering compliments to the ladies, and remarked, that the climate of Bengal had not spoiled the delicacy of their complexions, &c. Then addressing himself to one of Lord Moira’s aides-de-camp, he observed, that the Grand Marshal had informed him that Lady Loudon was on the Island, and that had she been within his limits, he should have had great pleasure in paying his compliments to her ; but that as she happened to reside beyond the boundaries that had been prescribed to him, he had no more opportunity of seeing her, than if she were still at Bengal.
During these conversations, in which I acted as interpreter, Mr. Strange, with whom I had previously been talking, drew me aside by the flap of my coat, and in a tone of surprise and satisfaction said :—“ What grace and dignity of manner the Emperor displays—he shows be has been accustomed to the etiquette of holding a levee ! ”
We conducted the company to the drawingroom, and curiosity led them to take a peep at the Emperor’s apartments. Sir William Burroughs, who from the post he holds, may be supposed to have some connection with the English ministry, on entering the drawing-room, asked me whether it was our dining-room. I informed him that it was the drawing-room, or that we might more properly say, it was the only room in the house ; at this he was much astonished. I then pointed out to him through the window, the two little chambers which are all the Emperor has for his own use. His countenance expressed regret, and he seemed, in his own mind, to be drawing comparisons between the present and the past. Remarking the wretchedness of the furniture and the narrow limits of our abode, he said with an air of concern—“ You will be better provided for soon.”—“ How,” said I, “ is there any intention of removing us from the Island ?”—“No, but some elegant furniture and a commodious house are to be sent to you.”—“ We do not,” I replied, “ complain of the furniture, or the house ; but of the rock to which we have been banished and the latitude in which it is situated. This latitude cannot be changed and we can never be well here.”
I repeated to him literally what the Emperor had, a few days previously said to the Governor on the same subject. Sir William was amazed, and pressing my hand, he said with a degree of warmth :—“ My dear Sir, he is too great and too gifted a man ; we have too much cause to dread and fear him.”—“ But,” said I, in my turn, “ why not have driven the car of glory together, instead of mutually destroying each other by dragging it different ways ? What might not then have been its course ? ” He looked at me, and again pressing my hand, he said with a pensive air :—“ Yes, that would doubtless have been better ; but . . . . . .”
All were particularly struck with the Emperor’s freedom of manners, and his tranquil expression of countenance. I know not what they had expected to see. One remarked that he could scarcely form a conception of the strength of mind necessary to enable Napoleon to endure such wonderful reverses. “ That is,” replied I, “ because nobody yet well knows the Emperor’s character. He told us the other day, that he had been like a block of marble during all the great events of his life ; that they had slipped over him without producing any impression either on his moral or physical faculties.”
After dinner, the Emperor asked us, as he often does, what we should like to read. Some one proposed that we should resume the Dictionary of Weathercocks ; but this the Emperor objected to, on the ground that it served but to render his evenings the more unpleasant. “ Rather let us amuse ourselves with fiction,” said he ; and asking for Jerusalem Delivered, he read aloud several cantos of that poem, occasionally translating passages into French. He then read the chief part both of Phedre and Athalie, always expressing his great admiration of the writings of Racine.
Equality of punishments.—The Emperor requires me to give him a detailed history of my Atlas.
15th.—The Emperor during his walk conversed on various subjects, and at length happened to light on that of crimes and punishments. He observed that the greatest jurists, even those who had been influenced by the spirit of the age, were divided as to the principle of the equalization of capital punishments. At the establishment of the Code, he should have been averse to equalization, had not circumstances obliged him to adopt a contrary course. He asked my opinion : “ I am,” said I, “ decidedly favourable to the inequality of punishments. Our notions demand a gradation in punishments, analogous to that which we conceive in crimes. The harmony of our sensations seems to require this. I can never bring myself to rank on a level with each other, the wretch who has murdered his father, and him who has merely committed a slight robbery accompanied by violence. Should these two criminals be visited by the same punishment ?
“ In this question the criminal himself is least of all to be considered. The punishment is his business ; and humanity discovers many hidden modes of relieving his physical suffering. His ideas previously to the commission of the crime, the feelings which his punishment creates in the minds of the spectators, and the effect it produces on society in general ;—these are the points which must claim the attention of the legislator in deciding the question of the equalization of punishments. It is erroneous to suppose that death alone is sufficient, and that the kind of death has no influence on the mind of the criminal in the premeditation of his crime ; for if there be inequality of punishment, there is no culprit who would not make his choice if he were permitted so to do. Let any member of society consult his own feelings : he would shudder at the very idea of certain punishments, while perhaps he would be totally indifferent to certain modes of death. The inequality of punishments, and the solemnity of executions, belong therefore, to the justice and policy of civilization. Yet I conceive that it would now be impossible to subdue public opinion on this point.”*
The Emperor entirely concurred in these ideas. Having mentioned the crime of regicide, he observed that it might truly be said to be the greatest of all crimes, owing to the consequences which it produced. “ The man,” said he, “ who might have raised his arm to murder me in France, would have subverted all Europe ; and how many times have I not been exposed to assassination ! ”
Lady Loudon, wife of Lord Moira, the Governor-General of India, has been for several days at St. Helena, where she attracts general attention. She is a lady of high rank, corresponding nearly with a French Duchess under the old regime. The English officers treat her with the utmost respect. To-day the Admiral invited her to a little fête on board the Northumberland. He sent a messenger on horseback to request me to lend him my Atlas for the evening, in order that he might shew it to Lady Loudon, whose husband was described in it as the first representative of the Plantagenets, and consequently as the legitimate heir to the throne of England.
The Admiral and I were on a footing of perfect indifference ; indeed we had been nearly strangers to each other since the moment he put me ashore. The request was not so much a mark of politeness to me, as a compliment to the work itself. The Atlas had been the subject of conversation, the lady had expressed a wish to see it, and the Admiral felt a desire to shew it her. However, I was unable to satisfy this desire. The book was in the Emperor’s chamber, and such was the answer I returned.
The Emperor smiled at the honour which the Admiral had intended for me ; and I could not help pitying the amusement that had been prepared for the lady. This circumstance led the Emperor himself to speak of the Atlas, and to repeat some observations which had fallen from him before. He remarked that he heard my work spoken of at all times and in all places ; that he found it sought after by foreigners as well as Frenchmen. He had heard it mentioned on board the Bellerophon and the Northumberland, at the Island of St. Helena, and, in short, every where, persons of information and rank either knew the work, or expressed a wish to become acquainted with it. “ This,” said he, in a lively strain, “ is what I call enjoying a real triumph, a great reputation in the literary world. I wish you would give me the history of this Atlas. Tell me when and how you conceived the idea of it, the manner in which it was executed, and its results : why you first of all published it under a fictitious name, and why you did not afterwards affix your real name to it : in short, give me a true and particular account ; you understand, Mr. Counsellor of State ? ”
I replied that it would be a long story ; though to me the recital would not be devoid of pleasure ; for, I added, that my Atlas was the history of a great portion of my life, and that, above all, I was indebted to it for the happiness of being now near the person of the Emperor.
The following is the narrative, such as it appeared when corrected after my first hasty notes. Its length, doubtless, requires indulgence ; but this I trust the reader will be inclined to grant, on consideration that the details which I here enter into revive the recollection of my happiest years, of the period of my youth, my health and strength, in a word, of the dear but brief interval of the plenitude of life. I once more entreat that the reader will pardon the prolixity in which I have indulged ; but this statement so forcibly revives my recollections of past happiness, that even now, on reading it over, I cannot find it in my heart to cancel any part of it.
1 I must however, confess that my opinion is likely to be erroneous, if, as I have been informed, the statements of the registers in France, since the introduction of the equalization of punishments, when compared with those drawn up during a similar interval, under the old penal laws, present a diminution in the number of criminals.